China's role in Southeast Asia questioned
By CHRISTOPHER BODEEN | Associated Press – 16 hrs ago
BEIJING (AP) — China is finding the once friendly ground of Southeast
Asia bumpy going, with anger against Chinese claims to disputed islands,
once reliable ally Myanmar flirting with democracy and renewed American
attention to the region.
The changing terrain for Beijing was on view this past week at a
conclave of East Asian nations in Cambodia. Wen Jiabao, China's lame
duck premier who usually exudes a mild, grandfatherly air, got into a
sharp exchange over the contested South China Sea islands. The leaders
of the Philippines, Singapore and Vietnam reacted furiously when host
Cambodia suggested that all sides agreed not to bring outside parties
into the dispute — a reference to the U.S.
Meanwhile, Barack Obama, buoyed by the first visit ever by a U.S.
president to Myanmar, projected an image of a confident, friendly
America, calling for a reduction in tensions and seemingly taking no
sides.
Beijing is struggling to find its feet as its own power grows, but the
U.S. refuses to cede influence in the region, emboldening other
countries not to fall in with the Chinese line.
"The robust U.S. presence and relatively disciplined and quiet diplomacy
looked strong relative to China's heavy-handed pressure," Ernest Bower,
chair for Southeast Asian studies at the Council for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington, D.C., wrote in a Thursday
commentary.
It's a reversal over the treatment Beijing enjoyed much of the past
decade as it wooed Southeast Asia with soaring trade and investment and
the lure of the huge Chinese market. Looking to further those links, Wen
held discussions on expanding a free trade agreement to increase
China's imports from Southeast Asia.
China's economic "pull remains, but the smile has faded," said Aaron
Friedberg, professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton
University.
Getting Southeast Asian diplomacy right matters to Beijing. It's an area
where China historically exercised great sway. The 10 countries of the
Association of Southeast Asian nations, or ASEAN, are home to a market
of 600 million people and straddle vital shipping lanes and seas rich in
fish, oil, gas and other minerals.
Beijing's influence began foundering in 2010 when its more assertive
claims to islands in the South China Sea touched off anxieties among the
Philippines and Vietnam, who along with Brunei, Malaysia and Taiwan
also claim the islands in whole or in part.
The fracas provided an opening for the U.S., which as it wound down
involvement in Iraq was re-examining the challenge posed by China. The
U.S. "pivot" brought renewed diplomatic attention to the region and
promises of more military resources.
Still, the friction has only increased. Beijing has become more
aggressive in patrolling around the disputed islands, leading to a
faceoff last summer with the Philippines over Scarborough Shoal. It is
sparring farther afield over other islands with Japan, heightening
worries about an expansionist China. It also started issuing new
passports featuring a map that shows the entire South China Sea as
Chinese territory.
The tensions bubbled to the fore at an annual summit of Southeast Asian
leaders in Cambodia's capital of Phnom Penh attended by Obama.
Philippine President Benigno Aquino raised the Scarborough Shoal,
prompting Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao to state that the islets have been
"Chinese territory since ancient times and no sovereignty dispute
exists." China's actions to assert its sovereignty were wholly
"appropriate and necessary," Wen told the closed door meeting, according
to Vice Foreign Minister Fu Ying.
Wen's stern statement was "destructive and dangerous," wrote CSIS's
Bower. "This is very uncertain ground, and uncertainty means the
emergency of an inherent instability in the region that undermines a
solid foundation for regional growth."
Chinese government-backed experts conceded a failure in execution.
"Somehow, the issue was not handled very well in the meeting," said Zhao
Gancheng, director of the Center for Southeast Asia at the Shanghai
Institute for Foreign Studies.
Economic realities could still work in China's favor, experts say.
Chinese imports from the region grew 29 percent last year to $146
billion, and with its economy expected to overtake America's as the
world's largest in coming years, China will only grow in importance as a
source of overseas investment.
The very fact that China has refused to back off — despite provoking a
backlash that could hurt its long-term interests — speaks to Beijing's
belief that its economic pull will ultimately convince its ASEAN
neighbors that their future lies with China, not with the U.S., said
Princeton's Friedberg.
"The big question, I think, is whether the ASEAN states believe that the
United States actually has the resolve and the resources to follow
through on the commitments that have been made in recent years. If they
begin to doubt this they will have to do more to appease Beijing,"
Friedberg said.
***************************************************************
A look at key US sanctions against Myanmar
A glance at key elements of changing US sanctions against Myanmar
By Erika Kinetz, AP Business Writer | Associated Press – Thu, Nov 22, 2012 6:03 AM EST
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- The United States is unwinding two decades of
sanctions against Myanmar, as the country's reformist leadership
oversees rapid-fire economic and political change. President Barack
Obama's visit this week, the first by a serving U.S. president, is a
sign of how far relations have come. But Washington continues to take a
calibrated approach to easing sanctions, keen to retain leverage should
Myanmar's reform momentum stall.
Here's a look at key elements of U.S. sanctions against Myanmar.
Why did the U.S. sanction Myanmar in the first place?
— Washington first enacted sanctions in September 1988, the month after
Myanmar's military junta cracked down on peaceful protests, killing
thousands. The U.S. responded to deepening human rights violations and
brutal suppression of the democratic opposition by tightening sanctions.
Why has the U.S. eased sanctions?
— U.S. policy began to change after Myanmar's president, Thein Sein,
took office in March 2011. As the new government released political
prisoners, signed cease-fires with ethnic rebels, opened the economy and
held elections that saw opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi take a seat
in Parliament, the U.S. normalized diplomatic relations and suspended
most major sanctions.
What did the U.S. sanction and which sanctions are still in force?
— Washington banned new investment, financial services, multilateral
assistance, and imports. It also barred officials from getting U.S.
visas and forbade deals with "crony" businessmen linked to the old
regime. Restrictions on most new investment, financial services,
multilateral assistance, and most imports from Myanmar have been
suspended. The biggest remaining block is the list of "specially
designated nationals" and companies that U.S. firms are barred from
doing business with because of their alleged links to oppression and
corrupt practices.
Why hasn't Washington simply done away with sanctions?
— Washington has taken a carrot and stick approach to retain leverage
and reinforce good business practices. Also, they're technically hard to
undo. Sanctions are governed by six federal laws and a series of
executive orders, often with overlapping provisions. There are also
functional bans which require specific benchmarks to be met before
certain strictures are eased such as ending the use of child soldiers
before arms sales are allowed.
Did sanctions work?
— The jury is out. Advocates point to change in Myanmar as evidence that
sanctions encouraged reform. But a large chorus of critics says
domestic factors rather than sanctions — which had little effect for two
decades — are the real reason for Myanmar's spring. Critics also say
sanctions have been too blunt, hurting the corrupt elite less than the
common man.
***************************************************************
Questions and answers on US sanctions of Myanmar
Questions and answers about the key elements of changing US sanctions against Myanmar
By Erika Kinetz
, AP Business Writer | Associated Press – Thu, Nov 22, 2012 8:56 PM EST
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) -- The United States is unwinding two decades of
sanctions against Myanmar, as the country's reformist leadership
oversees rapid-fire economic and political change. President Barack
Obama's visit this week, the first by a serving U.S. president, is a
sign of how far relations have come. But Washington continues to take a
calibrated approach to easing sanctions, keen to retain leverage should
Myanmar's reform momentum stall.
Here's a look at key elements of U.S. sanctions against Myanmar.
Why did the U.S. sanction Myanmar in the first place?
— Washington first enacted sanctions in September 1988, the month after
Myanmar's military junta cracked down on peaceful protests, killing
thousands. The U.S. responded to deepening human rights violations and
brutal suppression of the democratic opposition by tightening sanctions.
Why has the U.S. eased sanctions?
— U.S. policy began to change after Myanmar's president, Thein Sein,
took office in March 2011. As the new government released political
prisoners, signed cease-fires with ethnic rebels, opened the economy and
held elections that saw opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi take a seat
in Parliament, the U.S. normalized diplomatic relations and suspended
most major sanctions.
What did the U.S. sanction and which sanctions are still in force?
— Washington banned new investment, financial services, multilateral
assistance, and imports. It also barred officials from getting U.S.
visas and forbade deals with "crony" businessmen linked to the old
regime. Restrictions on most new investment, financial services,
multilateral assistance, and most imports from Myanmar have been
suspended. The biggest remaining block is the list of "specially
designated nationals" and companies that U.S. firms are barred from
doing business with because of their alleged links to oppression and
corrupt practices.
Why hasn't Washington simply done away with sanctions?
— Washington has taken a carrot and stick approach to retain leverage
and reinforce good business practices. Also, they're technically hard to
undo. Sanctions are governed by six federal laws and a series of
executive orders, often with overlapping provisions. There are also
functional bans which require specific benchmarks to be met before
certain strictures are eased such as ending the use of child soldiers
before arms sales are allowed.
Did sanctions work?
— The jury is out. Advocates point to change in Myanmar as evidence that
sanctions encouraged reform. But a large chorus of critics says
domestic factors rather than sanctions — which had little effect for two
decades — are the real reason for Myanmar's spring. Critics also say
sanctions have been too blunt, hurting the corrupt elite less than the
common man.
***************************************************************
Second edition of Suu Kyi's book published
By Indo Asian News Service | IANS – Fri, Nov 23, 2012
Shimla, Nov 23 (IANS)
The Indian Institute of Advanced Studies (IIAS), a
research institution in Shimla, has published another edition of
Myanmar's pro−democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, the institute's official
said Friday.
"The second edition of Suu Kyi's book 'Burma and India: Some Aspects of
Intellectual Life under Colonialism' has been brought out as a paperback
edition and is priced at Rs.195," IIAS director Peter Ronald Desouza
said in a statement.
He said the book, released by Vice President M. Hamid Ansari last week
in New Delhi, is based on the manuscript Suu Kyi submitted after
completion of her fellowship at the IIAS in 1987.
The book, first published in 1990, is about comparative study of intellectual life under colonialism in the two countries.
It describes the varying responses of India and Burma during British
colonialism, responses which reflect the changing social structure and
character of the two societies.
It also discusses the Buddhist influence from India on Burma and the
inability of Burmese society to resist the colonial onslaught in
contrast to India, which developed a more substantial response.
The opposition leader of Myanmar stayed at the IIAS with her husband Michael Aris, who was also a fellow, and their two sons.
"It was through the ambassador of India to Burma that Suu Kyi could be
sent the re−typed and proof−read version of her book to make the
necessary changes, which she did," Desouza said.
"She chose the cover design," he added.
On the request of Suu Kyi, he said, IIAS would send some copies of the book to public libraries and universities across India.
The IIAS is a premier advanced research institution in the field of
humanities and social sciences and is housed in the erstwhile Viceregal
Lodge, built during the viceroyship of Lord Dufferin before
Independence.
***************************************************************
IAF chief Browne leads defence delegation to Myanmar
By ANI | ANI – 14 hrs ago
New Delhi, Nov.25 (ANI): The Chief of the Air Staff (CAS) and Chairman
Chiefs of Staff Committee (COSC), Air Chief Marshal N.A. K. Browne, will
undertake a four-day defence cooperation visit to Myanmar from November
26 to 29.
The Chief of Air Staff will lead a five-member composite defence
delegation team comprising of senior officers of the three services.
India- Myanmar share a common boundary spanning 1650 kms where relations are multifaceted and founded on historic linkages.
The Indian Prime Minister's historic visit to Myanmar after 25 years in
May this year, Madam Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's recent visit and Defence
Minister A.K. Antony's proposed visit early next year testify towards
enhanced bilateral cooperation between the two neighbours.
This visit assumes great significance in the light of the improving
bilateral association towards enhancing defence collaboration in areas
of mutual interest between the two countries.
During his visit, Air Chief Marshal Browne will call on Myanmar
President U Thien Sein Vice Senior Generanl Min Aung Hlang (C-in-C
Defence Services) and Gen Myat Hein (C-in-C Air) with the aim of
reinforcing defence ties.
He would discuss a wide range of bilateral issues on the ongoing defence
cooperation between the two countries and further outline areas of
mutual interest as part of a broader military engagement.
The delegation is planned to visit the National Defence College where
they would be briefed by the Ministries of Foreign Affairs, Home affairs
and Economic Department.
The delegation is also planned to visit the Flying Training Base,
Aircraft Production and Assembly Plant at Shante and the Command and
General Staff College (CGSC) at Kalaw, a press release said. (ANI)
***************************************************************
Boston Globe -Eased Myanmar sanctions no gold rush for US firms
By ERIKA KINETZ,
AP Business Writer / November 24, 2012
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Signs of a boom abound in Myanmar. Flights to
Yangon are full, hotel rooms booked solid. Foreign bars are packed with
well-fed Westerners in khakis and jeans, 21st century prospectors drawn
to this golden frontier.
Myanmar got a further boost this week from President Barack Obama, who
became the first serving U.S. president to visit the long-isolated
nation, an endorsement that has not gone unnoticed by global investors.
But despite America’s leadership in welcoming Myanmar back into the
international community, U.S. companies have so far not signed any big
deals — a situation few expect to change soon.
Washington is unwinding its web of sanctions against Myanmar, but the
suspension of most legal barriers to business in this nation of 60
million is unlikely to be a gold rush for American firms. Rolling back
sanctions will take time, and concerns about corruption and political
blowback at home complicate efforts by U.S. companies to move in big and
fast. There is confusion about what is permitted, as well as onerous
new reporting requirements, and lingering doubt about whether the
changes, both in Myanmar and in U.S. policy, will stick.
What’s at stake is one of the last big untapped consumer markets, as
well as access to significant natural resources, including oil and gas,
hydropower, timber, gems and some of the most fertile land on earth.
Sandwiched between India and China —the world’s fastest growing major
economies — Myanmar today has some of the world’s lowest levels of
Internet and cellphone use, as well as a dearth of good roads, ports,
hotels, hospitals, schools and electricity.
Underlying the debate about sanctions, which many companies would like
to see lifted more decisively, are questions about what role American
business should play in Southeast Asia’s poorest country. Speaking
Monday at the University of Yangon, Obama said American companies must
‘‘lead by example.’’ His administration has sought to reinforce good
business practices, encouraging transparency by requiring companies that
invest more than $500,000 in Myanmar to report details to the State
Department, which will make some of the information public. And
Washington is banning U.S. firms from doing business with the country’s
biggest, and most corrupt, businessmen.
Whether those strictures — which put American firms at a competitive
disadvantage — will achieve their desired aim is a matter of debate, but
the ideas they enshrine may prove valuable in the long run.
Thant Myint-U, an author and adviser to Myanmar’s reformist president
Thein Sein, said that the biggest challenge facing Myanmar is finding a
new economic model to support reform momentum.
‘‘No one knows how to fix the economy after a half century of misrule in
a way that’s going to raise incomes and create jobs in the way we have
to to keep the reform process on track,’’ he said. Neither of the two
dominant business models in Myanmar today — alliances between crony
businessmen and largely Chinese investors or leftist isolationism —
offers a good path forward for the country, he said. He hopes American
businesses will help forge a third way.
The United States has taken a calibrated approach to easing sanctions,
renewing or expanding some strictures even as it unwinds others. While
this gives the administration leverage should Myanmar’s political reform
lose momentum, it creates confusion for investors.
The United States first sanctioned Myanmar in September 1988, the month
after the military junta brutally cracked down on popular protests. Over
the next two decades, Congress and the president responded to human
rights violations and the suppression of Myanmar’s democratic opposition
by expanding the network of sanctions. All told, Myanmar specific
sanctions are enshrined in six federal laws and a series of executive
orders, often with overlapping provisions, according to a detailed study
by Asian affairs specialist Michael Martin for the Congressional
Research Service. In addition, there are so-called functional bans —
laws that, for example, prohibit the U.S. from providing military
training and selling arms to any country deemed, like Myanmar, to use
child soldiers.
Washington has been quick to respond to reform efforts in Myanmar. As
Myanmar released political prisoners and held elections which saw
opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi take a seat in Parliament, Washington
suspended restrictions on new investment, financial services,
multilateral assistance, and most recently, imports from Myanmar.
Now, the biggest remaining legal block for U.S. companies is a list of
‘‘specially designated nationals’’ and companies that U.S. firms are
barred from doing business with because of their alleged links to
violence, oppression and corrupt practices. U.S. companies complain that
it’s difficult to comply with this list, given the challenges of due
diligence in Myanmar and the habit of cronies to pick up aliases and
create complex subsidiaries.
‘‘We’re encouraging reform in the government, we can’t encourage reform
in individuals?’’ said Richard Vuylsteke, president of the American
Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. He urges Washington to pare the list
as fast as possible and ‘‘give these guys an incentive to integrate into
the system.’’
Rather than revoke sanctions — which for some would require an act of
Congress — the administration has suspended them, meaning they could be
reinstated if Myanmar’s reform momentum is broken. In addition, with
each step forward, Washington has taken one small step back.
Three days before Obama landed in Yangon, Washington suspended its ban
on most imports, a move that’s expected to revitalize Myanmar’s garment
industry. At the same time, the administration added seven companies to
the list of entities U.S. firms can’t do business with. In July, when
Washington suspended the ban on new investment and the provision of
financial services, it also instated reporting requirements and expanded
sanctions to include individuals who undermine reform, engage in human
rights abuses or engage in military trade with North Korea. The White
House said it was offering a clear message: ‘‘individuals who continue
to engage in abusive, corrupt or destabilizing behavior going forward
will not reap the rewards of reform.’’
Aside from sanctions, U.S. companies are subject to strict
anti-corruption laws and reputational risk at home, should they choose
the wrong business partner in Myanmar.
‘‘The country is rife with corrupt business practices which would be
illegal here,’’ said Priscilla Clapp, who served as charge d ‘affairs at
the U.S. Embassy in Yangon from 1999 to 2002. ‘‘U.S. businesses are
held to those rules. They have to condition their Burmese business
partners to our rules. That’s not easy because you’re changing centuries
of bad behavior.’’
In the meantime, companies from other countries are sweeping into Myanmar.
‘‘It’s been a vacuum for U.S. companies for a couple of decades,’’ said
John Goyer, senior director for Southeast Asia at the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce in Washington. ‘‘They have a lot to learn about the market and
the operating environment, whereas companies from China, Thailand,
Malaysia know the players, they know the environment. It’s home field
advantage.’’
The U.S. is also at a disadvantage when trying to compete with companies
from, for example, Japan, which can offer package deals of investment,
aid and debt forgiveness padded with government money.
‘‘Companies from Asia can come in with financing packages all wrapped up
as part of the deal,’’ Goyer said. In America, he added, ‘‘there’s not
unlimited government backing for private companies to go in and provide
ports or railways or infrastructure.’’
Anthony Nelson, associate director for Myanmar at the U.S-ASEAN Business
Council, said that for many U.S. companies, Myanmar is the largest
country in the world where they don’t have a presence. ‘‘That kind of
thing doesn’t come along very often,’’ he said. ‘‘It’s never going to
come again.’’
But even Nelson is not talking of a gold rush.
‘‘Take a look at Vietnam,’’ he said. ‘‘When we normalized relations with
Vietnam, companies came in and looked around. They maybe opened
representative offices, but it was 10 or 15 years before the big boom of
investment from U.S. companies. When U.S. companies move, they move in a
big way, but there’s time that people need to look at what they’re
doing.’’
***************************************************************
NewsTalk - irn-myanmar**PA RISKS
By Katie Bradford-Crozier | NewsTalk – Fri, Nov 23, 2012
The Prime Minister is upbeat about the prospects for democracy in Myanmar.
John Key returns home this morning after a successful and surprising trip to Cambodia and Myanmar.
His brief visit has come to an end with a visit to the palatial parliamentary complex.
Construction began in 2003, which Mr Key says is a sign the country has been working on democracy for a while.
But he says any emerging democracy faces dangers.
"There are risks. There are risks that, if people perceive it's not
fair; there are risks that political parties that run the country
post-2015 can't hold it together and give the people what they want.
"If New Zealand wanted to wait for perfection, then we'd have to wait
longer, but if it's seriously sitting here saying well look, like other
countries we should be encouraging them to take the steps that they're
taking, then I think we did absolutely the right thing."
A New Zealand diplomatic presence will be established in the former military dictatorship soon.
Progress was made in Cambodia on two trade deals.
***************************************************************
Los Angeles Times - In Myanmar, returning exiles show capacity for forgiveness
Thousands of dissidents and student leaders freed from prison or invited
back to Myanmar, also known as Burma, are able to put aside vengeful
feelings.
November 21, 2012|By Mark Magnier, Los Angeles Times
YANGON, Myanmar — Maung Thura, a comedian known as Zarganar, is a barrel
of a man, stocky with a shaved head and a deep, forceful voice that
seems out of place among the fluorescent lights and office furniture of
the Home media group he recently helped found.
Zarganar's biting wit and open criticism of repression in recent decades
often irked Myanmar's government, which jailed him for 11 years on such
charges as "public order offenses," including five spent in solitary
confinement. In a joke the generals running the country didn't find
particularly funny, he told of a man who traveled to India for dental
work and was asked why he didn't see a dentist back home. The punch
line: We have dentists in Myanmar, but no one's allowed to open their
mouths.
Released in 2011 under a general amnesty, Zarganar expresses little
rancor for his former captors, including those in Myanmar's civilian
government prominent in the former military leadership.
"This is not a time for revenge," he said. "Otherwise, it becomes a circular motion that never ends."
Zarganar's willingness to forgive — seemingly incomprehensible to many
outsiders — if not always forget, is shared by thousands of dissidents
and student leaders released from prisons or invited back to Myanmar,
also known as Burma, after years in exile.
This flexibility on both sides offers hope the country can move more
quickly toward national reconciliation, avoiding a settling of scores
and crippling divisions seen in other countries struggling to emerge
from decades of totalitarian rule.
"It's amazing; I can't fully understand it," said Matt F. Smith,
Southeast Asia researcher with Human Rights Watch. "It is definitely a
fascinating phenomenon to see people back and showing no bitterness."
Since elections in 2010, the government has eased media restrictions,
allowed once-banned opposition parties to seek office and freed
pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. She has
become a lawmaker.
Skeptics are quick to point out, however, that the military still
essentially controls the parliament and holds many key positions.
In 2011, Nobel Peace laureate Suu Kyi angered some in her own party with
her willingness to work with President Thein Sein, an ex-general
prominent in the former ruling clique. In September, Thein Sein told
reporters in New York he'd accept Suu Kyi as president if she was
elected. "We are now working together," he said.
One explanation often given for this wary cooperation of former enemies
after decades of repression and suffering is Buddhism, the religion
followed by about 90% of Myanmar's population, with its emphasis on
tolerance and forgiveness.
Buddhism's Theravada school followed here can be hard-line relative to
the practice of Buddhism elsewhere: Buddhist monks here have led the
campaign to deport Rohingya Muslims from western Myanmar, including some
who have threatened to abandon their monasteries and join the army to
"protect" the country by force if Muslims gain more rights. Even so, the
religion has generally been seen as a calming influence.
"The Burmese are deeply religious," said Morten Pedersen, senior
lecturer with the Australian Defense Force Academy. "Sure, Buddhists are
responsible for killing a lot of people, but you can't just write off
its importance."
Other more practical factors may also be at work. Some say government
opponents learned their lesson after 1990, when they won a multiparty
election and couldn't resist crowing, including a spokesman for Suu
Kyi's National League for Democracy party who suggested the generals
might face a Nuremburg-style trial. Alarmed, the military refused to
accept the results and instead instituted a massive crackdown.
Taking a slower, non-vindictive approach offers better odds that nascent
reforms can take root, critics said, reducing the risk of a military
backlash.
"If you fight directly against them, they'll shoot. We tried that in
1988," said Kyaw Yin Myint, editor of the Kumudra Journal in Yangon.
"Sure, we're angry inside, we're humans. But you must be more clever."
Since 2011, Myanmar officials, concerned about the lack of qualified
teachers, entrepreneurs and other professionals needed to rebuild the
country, have invited back millions of exiles. That includes activists
previously on government blacklists. Negotiations are also underway to
repatriate about 140,000 Burmese languishing in refugee camps on the
Thai side of the border.
Even as Myanmar extends a hand to returnees, some wonder how willing it is to take advantage of their expertise.
"A taxi driver in New York may have more exposure than many here," said
Sein Win, chief editor of Mizzima news service, recently returned after
12 years abroad. "If the government is smart enough to use the capacity,
it's there. But I'm not sure they'll listen."
***************************************************************
GlobalPost - Myanmar's government-sanctioned Dos and Don'ts
Smile, mind your feet and stop making out in the street
Patrick Winn November 22, 2012 23:19
As Myanmar kicks open its long-shuttered gates and welcomes in the world, it will almost certainly struggle to cope with hordes of tourists.
Most will conduct themselves pleasantly. Some will behave like insufferable pricks.
So far, the country has been spared from the worst breeds of travelers. If you want to get hammered by the beach, or prowl for prostitutes, there are much more welcoming locations in Thailand, Cambodia or the Philippines.
But, for now, Myanmar isn't a choice destination for a boozy, carefree holiday. Getting a visa requires a few bureaucratic hoops and, once you arrive, the power might short out and your taxi might break down.
In the midst of this tourist rush -- no doubt accelerated by Barack Obama's recent visit -- the government has released a "Dos and Don'ts" cartoon guide for visitors.
This is not something I expected to say about government-sanctioned instructions from Myanmar, long a propaganda and police state.
But the guide is really quite impressive.
Traditionally, the government has been loathe to endorse even remotely negative imagery from Myanmar. But this guide, assembled with the help of Germany's Hanns Seidel Foundation, touches on the country's dark side. I was surprised to see cartoonist rendering prostitutes and underground vendors of bloody elephant trunks. (Soliciting either is -- you guessed it -- a "don't.")
I was also pleased to see contributions from the clever, brash cartoonist Harn Lay, who is better known for depicting military oppression
Most of the instructions on local faux pas -- like pointing to objects with your foot -- are useful for anyone venturing to mainland Southeast Asia's Buddhist countries: Myanmar, Thailand and Cambodia. You might assume college-educated Westerners would know better than to visit revered temples while dressed like hobos and hookers. Or commit heinous acts of PDA in the street. But you'd be very wrong.
Now, if I may, a few bonus don'ts for tourists in Myanmar:
DON'T show up without crisp U.S. bills and no hotel reservations. Unless, of course, you want the monastic experience of sleeping in a temple and begging for food.
DON'T risk eating fish curry on the street at 1 a.m. in a state of mild intoxication. Just trust me on this one.
And, please, DON'T be this guy. (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ekvVWcV7hfM)[A Japanese Business man slapped a female hotel staff in Myanmar]
***************************************************************
Newswire - Gold palace can't hide Myanmar's poverty
By Laura McQuillan | Newswire – Fri, Nov 23, 2012 6:57 AM NZDT
The road to the opulent 100-room Presidential Palace in Myanmar (Burma) is a brand new 16-lane highway - but there are very few vehicles using it.
The massive presidential complex - with its grandiose high ceilings, gold accents and gargantuan chandeliers - paints a stark contrast to the living conditions of the population, with many living on as little as 70 cents a day.
President Thein Sein, who occupies the building in the country's new, purpose-built capital of Naypyidaw, is a former military junta commander-turned-democracy pioneer.
On Thursday, he held bilateral talks with Prime Minister John Key about the country's two-year-old transition toward democracy - and New Zealand's hopes of getting its foot in the door to the blossoming South-East Asian economy.
Mr Key says he is encouraged by Myanmar's progress, and by the part New Zealand can play.
"I'm extremely confident that over the years ahead, whether it's in sectors from mining to tourism, right through to disaster recovery, sharing technology on earthquakes, there's a huge amount we can do with the people of Myanmar."
He announced Mr Sein will visit New Zealand next month, with a focus on viewing how agricultural sectors operate.
Mr Key also announced $NZ6 million in aid funding to build dairy farming capabilities in Myanmar, and $NZ1 million in aid for the Rakhine province through the United Nations World Food Programme, to assist large numbers of Myanmarese forced from their homes by ethnic clashes - emphasising that it is important all of New Zealand's aid contribution trickles down to those who need it.
Mr Sein, who rarely speaks to the media, was happy to address New Zealand journalists, reaffirming through a translator his commitment to Myanmar's transition to democracy.
While decades of sanctions from Western countries have hurt Myanmar's economy, Mr Sein says the country has adopted new foreign investment laws that are "very investor-friendly".
A day earlier, Mr Key was in the former capital of Yangon (Rangoon), where poor residents sat on the dirty kerbs selling shoes and food in front of dilapidated buildings dotted among new high-rises.
Mr Key says Myanmar is far more modern than he had expected.
"If you go a bit further out, the overt signs of poverty are much more explicit there, but here in the city it's quite remarkable."
Although Mr Key praised the country's steps toward democratisation, he also met with opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi - a Nobel Peace Prize-winning democracy activist - on Thursday, and she assured him there is a long way to go in her country.
"There is a great difference between the privileged and the great majority. The privileged are very few and they are extremely, extremely privileged. The great majority of the Burmese people are still poor," she said.
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The Nation - Myanmar, Thailand move ahead with Dawei project
ELEVEN MEDIA GROUP/ANN November 22, 2012 1:00 am
Myanmar and Thailand are committed to complete the Bt1.5-trillion Dawei special economic zone by 2015.
Myanmar President Thein Sein and Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra reached that agreement during bilateral talks on the sidelines of the 21st Asean Summit at the Peace Palace in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.
"Both leaders agreed on the completion of the Dawei deep-sea port project," said Sihasak Phuangket-keow, permanent secretary of the Thai Foreign Affairs Ministry. "The Thai prime minister and businessmen are scheduled to make a study visit to the port in mid-December. The Myanmar president has invited them."
The US$50-billion complex includes a road linking Dawei to the Thai border.
The joint committees for construction of the deep-sea port held their first meeting in Thailand in November 7, initially agreeing to complete the construction by 2015.
In a statement issued after the meeting of the two leaders, both countries agreed to complete by 2015 the construction of roads, the port, industrial zones, power stations, drinking-water supply and sewage systems, telecommunication systems, express trains and other regional development measures.
Myanmar will be responsible for defence, security and administrative affairs while Thailand will render technical as-|sistance and cooperate in construction tasks, the statement said. Thailand will also be in charge of monetary movements and helping to launch businesses in the Dawei region.
The panels for construction of the deep-sea port include a Joint High-level Committee (JHC), co-chaired by Myanmar Vice President Nyan Tun and Thai Deputy Prime Minister Kittiratt Na-Ranong, and the Joint Coordinating Committee (JCC) co-chaired by Myanmar Industry Minister Aye Myint and Thai PM's Office Minister Nivatthamrong Boonsongpaisal.
The joint committees in their first meetings discussed plans for financial supply and duty assignments for subcommittees.
Myanmar is scheduled to hold the second meeting of the JHC in March and the JCC's second meeting next month. Investors keen to invest in the Dawei project have been asked to contact the JHC.
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Foreign Policy - The Lady and the General
Meet the political odd couple driving democratic reform in Burma.
BY KURT M. CAMPBELL | DECEMBER 2012
The most unlikely of political partners are driving the astonishing democratic transition in Burma. One of them is no surprise: Aung San Suu Kyi, the inspirational global icon who for recent generations has defined nonviolent struggle against oppression. The other, President Thein Sein, is an unassuming former general who rose to the senior ranks of the very military junta seen as responsible for Burma's decades of misery, but then had the courage to steer the country in a new direction. Neither sought this unusual pairing, but together they represent the most hopeful turn for Burma in half a century.
Burma before World War II served as one of the rice bowls of Asia, and its people aspired to the region's best standards of health, education, and prosperity. But the country's darker post-colonial legacies included bitter ethnic divides and an unfortunate role in the center of the neighborhood's Cold War intrigue, as the Soviet Union, China, and the United States each vied for strategic position and ideological cohorts. Following a 1962 coup, the military justified the decades of misrule to come by the need to hold the country together with whatever force necessary and resist any form of foreign domination -- real or imagined. The generals drove the country to ruin.
By 2009, there were few overt signs of any real change, but President Obama launched a tentative, exploratory effort to woo Burma out of its isolation. On my first visit, in early 2010, I met both Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein, then the prime minister as well as No. 4 in the ruling junta. The contrast between the two could not have been greater. I was permitted to meet Aung San Suu Kyi in Rangoon at an old Russian-built hotel, a relic of Burma's Cold War ambivalence. She was delivered to the hotel from her solitary house arrest, and we talked for three hours about her hopes for a new Burma. She was predictably inspiring, reflecting a steely determination and optimism that contrasted sharply with the stark setting, and displayed a thorough grasp of international developments that belied her nearly two decades in isolation under house arrest. She described in detail her daily ritual of listening to the BBC World Service and Voice of America as a kind of preparation for the role she could then barely imagine -- but today is playing. The regime cropped her out of a photo of my visit published in the state-run newspaper.
I met Thein Sein in Naypyidaw, the remote new capital where the generals had abruptly sequestered themselves a few years earlier. Largely unresponsive to our offer for a meaningful dialogue, he and his fellow generals showed no sign of willingness to engage with Aung San Suu Kyi or implement any serious reforms. Thein Sein seemed an unlikely strongman, reserved and mild-mannered in his heavily starched olive-green uniform. But in that first meeting, with his careful military cadence and cautious manner, he gave no indication of any of the ideas of reform that have come to animate his time as president.
This past September, just three short years later, Aung San Suu Kyi stepped off a plane for her first visit to the United States in four decades, this time as a freely elected member of Burma's new parliament. She came both for a victory lap -- she was to receive the Congressional Gold Medal, among many other honors -- and to do the serious work of encouraging renewed Burmese links to and support from the international community. During her visit, Thein Sein arrived in the United States carrying a similar message, which he would deliver in his address to the United Nations General Assembly, the first by a Burmese head of state in decades, and in an official meeting with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. "The people and government of Burma have been taking tangible irreversible steps in the democratic transition and reform process," he said. While in New York, he met privately with Aung San Suu Kyi, as they had several times previously in Burma. Their partnership is an unlikely one, but the symbolism of their encounter in New York was a powerful indication of the distance they, and their country, had covered.
Their relationship began with a dinner in the spring of 2011 prepared by Thein Sein's wife in the couple's modest home and presented under a painting of Aung San, Burma's revered independence leader and the father of Aung San Suu Kyi. Warily, tentatively, the two compared shared hopes for the country's rebirth. That first meeting set the stage for the breathtaking changes in Burma following the retirement in 2011 of the junta's geriatric strongman, Than Shwe. Thein Sein's government has since released hundreds of political prisoners; eased draconian restrictions on speech, assembly, and movement; established cease-fires with most insurgent ethnic groups; and launched a wobbly electoral process that eventually allowed Aung San Suu Kyi's once-banned opposition party, the National League for Democracy, to take legislative seats, 22 years after the junta ignored the party's stunning national election victory.
Many explanations have been offered for Burma's sudden opening -- from geopolitics to unrelenting global pressure -- but I believe the personal experiences of these two remarkable individuals have much to do with it. The U.S. government and key congressional allies stood resolutely with Aung San Suu Kyi and other Burmese freedom fighters through the darkest days of their struggle, and she knew we could be counted on to help Burma when the regime finally relented.
Thein Sein arrived at the need to overturn the old order by a very different path. His role as prime minister and designated face to the outside world brought him to regional capitals that decades earlier appeared as poor cousins to cosmopolitan Rangoon but now were thriving hubs of modernity. Burma's failure must have been manifest, and its status as a pariah state, increasingly an embarrassment for many countries in Southeast Asia, would have been painful to defend.
Sustaining reform's momentum will be difficult. Much will depend on getting others to follow the courageous example of Aung San Suu Kyi and Thein Sein in setting aside bitter enmities and deep distrust for the common good. Their shared stake in a better future led both leaders to take off a uniform -- she the mantle of international sainthood and he the insignia of the military institution that brought him to absolute power. Having done so, they can now meet on equal terms, as citizen and patriot, striving and struggling together for a new Burma. Along the way, they are inspiring us all.
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2012-11-26 10:30
The Korea Times - Korean banks eye expansion into Myanmar
Korean banks are pushing to make inroads into the Myanmarese market in a bid to find their new sources of income amid a saturated local market, officials said Monday.
Korea's No. 3 lender Shinhan Bank is seeking to open an office in Myanmar as early as next year, targeting to set up a unit if rules banning operations of foreign banks are eased, according to officials.
The state-run Industrial Bank of Korea said it plans to apply for permission to open an office there within this year. Currently, the Myanmarese financial authorities only allow foreign banks to create offices.
Shinhan's main rivals Woori Bank and Hana Bank have already begun to tap the Myanmarese market by setting up offices in October.
Woori Bank said it opened an office in the city of Yangon in late October with an aim to enlarge it into a branch or a wholly-owned unit in early 2014. Hana Bank also set up an office last month and has clinched a tentative deal to boost its strategic alliance with Myanmar's lender Ayeyarwady Bank.
The local banks' move came as doors for foreign investments are likely to open further in Myanmar, as the United States and the European Union are easing economic sanctions on the country.
Ending years of military dictatorship, the Southeast Asian country is carrying out democratic and economic reforms following an election in 2011.
South Korean banks' push also stemmed from their falling profits in a saturated local market. Combined earnings by 18 Korean banks amounted to 7.5 trillion won (US$6.9 billion) in the first nine months of this year, down 39 percent from a year earlier, according to the financial watchdog.
Their fourth-quarter earnings may be weaker, as the central bank's rate cuts and the economic slowdown are highly likely to squeeze their profit margin, analysts say. (Yonhap)
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Radio Australia - Outgoing ASEAN secretary general proud of Burma reform
Updated 26 November 2012, 12:06 AEST
The outgoing secretary general of the Association of South-East Asian nations says he is most proud of ASEAN's role in opening up the reclusive state of Burma during his term.
Dr Pitsuwan says ASEAN's role after Cyclone Nargis in 2008, in which at least 138,000 people died, was instrumental in bringing the formerly reclusive Burma into closer contact with the West. (Credit: AFP)
Video: Surin Pitsuwan reflects on his time as ASEAN Secretary General
The outgoing secretary general of the Association of South-East Asian nations says he is most proud of ASEAN's role in opening up the reclusive state of Burma during his term.
Dr Surin Pitsuwan ends his five-year term as secretary general in December, to be replaced by Vietnamese Deputy Foreign Minister Le Luong Minh.
He's told Australia Network's Asia Pacific Focus ASEAN's role after Cyclone Nargis in 2008, in which at least 138,000 people died, was instrumental in bringing the formerly reclusive Burma into closer contact with the West.
"We brought the world in, we brought the UN in," he said.
"Myanmar then was a different category, [a] different kind of country, [and] one of the most gratifying experiences has to be the opening up of Myanmar.
"Which I think ASEAN has contributed to by engaging them, bringing the world in, and raising the level of comfort of the leadership of Myanmar, the people of Myanmar, that the world is, after all, not very, very hostile."
Dr Pitsuwan says the emergence of ASEAN as a more significant regional player, as evidenced by the presence of the US and China, during last week's talks in Cambodia, has brought its own challenges.
"I think what we realise is we have to be a neutral broker of all these power plays, if I may use that term, between and among external powers around us," he said.
"We can't do it alone - to achieve our own objective, our own vision of one community here among us 10, we need to involve a lot of them."
The Cambodia talks were overshadowed by ongoing disputes between several regional countries and China over the sovereignty of several disputed islands in the South China Sea.
Dr Pitsuwan says the issue will continue to present challenges, but he believes the ASEAN forum is in a position to discuss them in a civil manner.
"We are still growing together," he said.
"We are still trying to integrate not only economically but in norms, in perceptions, in vision, and in the way in which we handle our differences.
"The way in which the issue was brought up was very civil, was very courteous to each other - we have our interests in the stability and security of this particular body of waters."
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China.org.cn - Aung San Suu Kyi warns break-off of project to lose trust
Xinhua, November 25, 2012
Myanmar's opposition leader and parliamentarian Aung San Suu Kyi on Sunday urged transparency in implementing government project and unilateral break-off of ongoing projects, local press reported Sunday.
"It needs transparency before implementing government projects and unilateral break-off of ongoing projects will lose international trust," local media Messenger quoted Aung San Suu Kyi as saying in response to the issue of Monywa-Letpadantaung copper mining project faced with interruption.
Suu Kyi, who is also chairperson of the Committee for Rule of Law and Tranquility of the House of Representatives (Lower House), told the media after Defense Minister Lieutenant-General Wai Lwin warned at the 5th session of the Lower House of deterrent to the influx of foreign direct investment (FDI) if contracts with foreign countries were broken by Myanmar without keeping promises.
Suu Kyi told the press that "Contracts have been inked with the Letpadantaung copper mining project. If unilaterally canceled, compensation must be made. If wanting to stand up as a commensurate country in the international, it must keep promise, stick to words as promised. If the country comes to be considered as loss of promise, unable to do business with the country, can cancel the business undertaking at any time, then investors can no longer take interest in investing in the country".
At the 5th session of the House of Representatives (Lower House) on Friday, a proposal was submitted by Pale constituency MP Daw Khin San Hlaing, urging the president to form an independent state- level commission to probe into the case of Monywa copper mining project.
The Monywa copper mining project comprising Latpadantaung and Kyayzintaung projects in Myanmar's northwestern Sagaing region has been undertaken by the Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd ,China's Wanbao Mining Ltd and Yang Tze Copper Ltd since early this year.
Demonstrations have been taking place intermittently this year after the project was suspended which caused big losses, said Wai Lwin.
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China Daily - Aung San Suu Kyi urges transparency in gov't project
Updated: 2012-11-25 13:21
YANGON - Myanmar's opposition leader and parliamentarian Aung San Suu Kyi on Sunday urged transparency in implementing government project and unilateral break-off of ongoing projects, local press reported Sunday.
"It needs transparency before implementing government projects and unilateral break-off of ongoing projects will lose international trust," local media Messenger quoted Aung San Suu Kyi as saying in response to the issue of Monywa-Letpadantaung copper mining project faced with interruption.
Suu Kyi, who is also chairperson of the Committee for Rule of Law and Tranquility of the House of Representatives (Lower House), told the media after Defense Minister Lieutenant-General Wai Lwin warned at the 5th session of the Lower House of deterrent to the influx of foreign direct investment (FDI) if contracts with foreign countries were broken by Myanmar without keeping promises.
Suu Kyi told the press that "Contracts have been inked with the Letpadantaung copper mining project. If unilaterally canceled, compensation must be made. If wanting to stand up as a commensurate country in the international, it must keep promise, stick to words as promised. If the country comes to be considered as loss of promise, unable to do business with the country, can cancel the business undertaking at any time, then investors can no longer take interest in investing in the country".
At the 5th session of the House of Representatives (Lower House) on Friday, a proposal was submitted by Pale constituency MP Daw Khin San Hlaing, urging the president to form an independent state- level commission to probe into the case of Monywa copper mining project.
The Monywa copper mining project comprising Latpadantaung and Kyayzintaung projects in Myanmar's northwestern Sagaing region has been undertaken by the Myanmar Economic Holding Ltd ,China's Wanbao Mining Ltd and Yang Tze Copper Ltd since early this year.
Demonstrations have been taking place intermittently this year after the project was suspended which caused big losses, said Wai Lwin.
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Fruitnet - NZ strengthens Burma ties
Tom Bicknell | 26 November 2012
New Zealand is aiming for closer economic and political ties with Burma as the South East Asian nation’s economy opens up
New Zealand’s government is pushing for closer ties with Burma, both economically and politically, with the first ever visit to the country for a New Zealand prime minister last week.
Prime Minister John Key met Burmese president Thein Sein as well as opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who he presented with a basket of gold kiwifruit and a greenstone pendant.
Burma’s slowly opening economy and 56m-strong population make the South East Asian nation a promising potential market for New Zealand exports in coming years.
The country has already attracted significant interest from New Zealand dairy giant Fonterra, which has appointed a Burmese country manager to develop the market.
“Myanmar has a population of around 56m people and dairy consumption per capita is expected to increase as people in Myanmar increasingly look for high quality nutrition that supports the health of their families,” Fonterra ASEAN managing director Mark Wilson said.
“In addition, Myanmar’s tourism sector is growing fast with increased investment and developing infrastructure across the country. This is driving demand for high quality foodservice products from hotels and restaurants.”
New Zealand’s fruit and vegetable exports to South East Asia have been developing well in recent years, and the potential opportunities in Burma, with the region’s second-largest population, are clear.
New Zealand’s government has recently changed how it refers to the country from Burma to Myanmar, a move the government said recognises the progress the country has made towards peace. ***************************************************************
26 November 2012
ITS International - Joint ventures planned by ITD for Myanmar Dawei project
First publishedon www.WorldHighways.com
Joint ventures are set to be created by Italian-Thai Development (ITD) for road management and other aspects of the Dawei industrial zone and deepsea port megaproject in Myanmar.
Eight joint ventures will be formed to run roads, water, rail, industrial estates, power, telecommunications, a port, and to relocate residents of Dawei. ITD may only own a stake of 3%-5% in each investment company via Dawei Development, its affiliate.
Under the first stage of the project, which is worth US$8.50 billion, ITD has begun building a road of four lanes stretching 155km between Ban Phy Namron in Thailand's Kanchanaburi province and Dawei. Firms that have expressed interest in taking part in the project include those from South Korea, Thailand, Europe, Japan and China. The first stage will be finished in 2014 and involves utilities, an industrial estate, a port, power plants, roads and logistics.
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Bangkok Post - A nation at the crossroads
New book takes a cautiously optimistic view of Myanmar's opening up
Published: 26/11/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: Life
If you've been struck dumb by the dramatic changes that have been taking place in Myanmar since last year _ overwhelmed by the positive global responses towards the junta's reforms, and feeling a budding sense of optimism _ you may need a book like Burma: A Nation At The Crossroads, by Benedict Rogers.
Though trying to present a "holistic" introduction, Rogers _ a Christian Solidarity Worldwide human rights observer who specialises in East Asia _ challenges us with the bitter Myanmar.
Those hoping to find travel tips or hints on investment opportunities can skip it and read something else.
The abundant and vivid accounts from dissidents, activists, internally displaced people (IDPs), former political prisoners, defectors, army deserters, Buddhist monks and ethnic resistance leaders _ all those hated and treated badly by the regime _ have been compiled during the writer's 40-plus fact-finding visits to the country and its border outposts, where horrifying tales, some largely unknown to outsiders, have defined the past half-century of the country.
In this sense, the book is no doubt a good reminder of the fragile nature of the ongoing changes.
The military regime that seized power from the faltering civilian government in 1962 soon earned a reputation for its extreme dictatorship, religious and ethnic persecution, and self-isolation from the global community.
Before the nominally civilian government led by former generals came to power through the showcase election in 2010, Myanmar, once known as the "rice bowl" of Asia, had become one of the least developed nations in the world.
Decades of incompetent economic policies impoverished the country. In extreme cases, decisions were casually made only on a whim, sometimes aided by superstitious beliefs. Since 1962, the Myanmar majority has been engaged in continuous struggles for legal rights and justice. However, whenever there was a civilian protest, a bloody crackdown was the official response.
The 1988 movement led by Aung San Suu Kyi was the most organised opposition to the regime, and one which faced the most horrific crackdown.
The brutality of the Tatmadaw _ the Myanmar army _ against the Saffron Revolution ignited by the spike in fuel prices in September 2007, astonished the world when pictures of murdered monks spread through the internet and TV news. As a monk who fled to the Thai-Myanmar border told Rogers: "I did not think the soldiers would beat monks, in Burma, religion is like a parent. The military beat their parents."
Another unsettled tragedy in Myanmar is the conflict between the government and seven major ethnic groups living along the borders. According to Rogers, from 1996 to 2011, over one million people were internally displaced because of wars. Villages were burnt and robbed, women were raped, farmers were killed by exploding landmines, while children were abducted and forcibly conscripted into the army. The situation in the border camps remains bad, even appalling.
The book observes that even in ceasefire areas, attacks and human rights violation committed by the army are still common.
Among non-Myanmar groups, the Muslim Rohingyas have suffered the double sword of ethnic and religious discrimination. As "a stateless people", they face suffocating restrictions in almost every aspect of life. Thousands have fled to Bangladesh, where they are deported back since they are regarded as "Burmese". As a Rohingya refugee told Rogers: "We are trapped between a crocodile and a snake. We are treated as foreigners in Burma, but if we are foreigners, please show us which country we belong to, and we will go there."
The Rohingyas' case is not isolated. Some ethnic groups "have been fighting an armed struggle for basic human rights, for a degree of autonomy, and more recently a battle for existence", while being branded as insurgents, terrorists, rebels and even extremists by the regime.
The closed-door policy prevented the world from knowing the plight of the people. And now that the opening-up is hogging the headlines, will it sound the death knell for extreme dictatorship and ethnic persecution?
In terms of analysis, the book doesn't offer vivid depictions of important figures like former prime minister Ne Win, Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein. Rather, as Rogers writes, "it is more an activist's text than an anthropologist's study". And as a documentary work, aside from the wide-ranging, first-hand and reliable information, the author fairs quite well in sticking to a personal moral framework while respecting the complex reality: the democracy and ethnic movements have made mistakes, and there are problems that go beyond the regime.
Unlike his other two works, Burma: A Land Without Evil: Stopping The Genocide Of Burma's Karen People (Kregel Publications, 2004), and Than Shwe: Unmasking Burma's Tyrant (Silkworm Books, 2010), Rogers seems to have chosen a much gentler title for this book. But he got his supporter.
"When I met Aung San Suu Kyi in January 2012," he writes, "I told her about this book. I also told her that I had changed the title. Originally, the book was to be called Burma: A Captive Nation. She responded by commending the new title, saying that Burma truly is at a crossroads and people must shed their status as captives."
A more profound consideration of Suu Kyi _ one ostensibly shared by the author himself _ was that among people who care about Myanmar's future, it is those who are supportive of her decision to engage with the regime but are still sceptical that she values and wants to win over.
The intention is good, but reality forces us to adopt "cautious optimism" _ the focus of this book, as Roger writes, is the fact that "behind the scenes, the military is still in power".
He is not making a fuss. At the same time as US President Barack Obama's recent visit to the country conveyed global praise for the government's effective first steps of reform, Muslim-Buddhist clashes in western Myanmar have spread; as fighting continues in Kachin State, violence against civilians including raping and torture by the army continues.
Rogers also emphasises that without "institutional, legislative and constitutional reform", economic reform and opening up will only benefit those in power, while leading to further exploitation of the oppressed.
The writer, who still shuttles between Yangon and the UK, commented in a recent interview that "President Obama delivered some very clear, very powerful, and very relevant messages during his visit. It was a significant and historic visit which I hope will encourage everyone, the government, military, opposition and ethnic nationalities, to build a free, democratic and peaceful country based on unity in diversity, recognising that diversity is a strength and should be recognised and respected".
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Bangkok Post - Police closing net on gangs supplying 'slaves' to trawlers
Only 20 cases recorded in five years, but top cop insists human trafficking is a 'grave concern'
Published: 26/11/2012 at 12:00 AM
Newspaper section: News
Police are fighting an uphill battle dealing with human traffickers who exploit vulnerable Thai and Myanmar workers.
Anti-human trafficking division police search a fishing trawler in an estuary in Samut Sakhon for any crew who might have been trafficked to work on the ship. WASSAYOS NGAMKHAM
Many of the workers are promised well-paid jobs, often in the fishing industry, but are instead forced to work in slave-like conditions for months on end with little or no pay.
Officers have dealt with 20 cases of workers being abused in this way since 2007. That modest figure, however, belies the large scale of human trafficking operations going on in the country.
"The problem is a matter of grave concern," anti-human trafficking division chief Chawalit Sawaengphuet said. "We believe there are many exploited labourers who choose not to complain to police when they're back ashore."
The workers targetted by human trafficking gangs are often impoverished Thai and Myanmar men. With the promise of well-paid work, they are deceived into working in squalid conditions in often poorly-maintained trawlers for weeks or months and are threatened with violence if they resist.
But for police, it's not just a matter of sitting back and waiting for the trafficking gangs to slip up. A more active approach is needed, Pol Maj Gen Chawalit said.
Officers need help from fishing industry leaders to expose the tricks used by traffickers, who disguise themselves as labour brokers, the commander said.
Some of the fishing boat owners have no idea that the so-called brokers are coercing young men into working on the boats. "They think the 'recruited' workers come willingly," he said.
Fuelling the problem is a severe labour shortage in the fishing industry. In the country's major fishing provinces such as Samut Sakhon and Ranong, many employers rush to hire whoever they can get, without bothering to run effective background checks.
Working on a fishing boat is not seen as a glamorous profession, and so is shunned by most Thais. This is contributing to the current labour crisis, Sawong Chuicharoen, president of Uan Dam fishing boat club in Samut Sakhon, said.
Pol Maj Gen Chawalit said that despite public warnings being issued informing people of the tactics used by human traffickers, the gangs remained adept at scouting potential victims.
The gangs usually recruit people who are migrating to Bangkok looking for work. They approach their targets at Hua Lamphong train station or at bus terminals, making false offers of jobs with good pay.
When people agree to the job offers, they are usually invited out for a drink and then drugged, Pol Maj Gen Chawalit said.
The unconscious victims are taken to prospective employers, who are made to believe the victims had passed out from a night of heavy drinking.
When the victims wake up, they are already out at sea in a trawler, where they will remain confined and be forced to work for weeks or months.
There is no way to escape, Pol Maj Gen Chawalit, said.
In many cases, boat captains accept new deck hands without notifying the owners of the vessel, he said.
Many Myanmar nationals who were tricked into working on the boats said they were promised a hefty income for their work. By the time the realised they had been deceived, it was too late.
When they finished a stint on one boat, some of the workers were "sold" to skippers of other finishing boats, Pol Maj Gen Chawalit said.
The trafficked workers said they received little or no money for their labour. Their pay often goes into refunding the brokerage fee that the trafficking gangs charged the skippers.
Pol Maj Gen Chawalit said police are not focused on arresting illegal labourers working aboard fishing boats. They are instead "asking for cooperation" from fishing boat operators to try to rein in human trafficking gangs.
Officers have been sent to the major fishing provinces to inform industry leaders of various methods employed by the gangs to lure in their victims.
Penalties can also be imposed on boat operators and skippers if they are found to be involved in any wrongdoing or fail to notify police of human trafficking.
Police must be alerted to any suspected cases of labour trafficking as soon as possible, Pol Maj Gen Chawalit said.
Police are working with labour officials to set up a centre to help recruit legal crew members in Thailand's seven major fishing provinces _ Trat, Rayong, Chumphon, Songkhla, Ranong, Satun and Samut Sakhon. They believe that by finding more legal workers and solving the labour shortage crisis, demand for illegal labour will diminish and the trafficking gangs will be put out of business.
The government is also talking with Vietnam and Bangladesh to help find fishermen interested in working legally on Thai boats.
Samut Sakhon fishing association chairman Kamchon Mongkhontrilak said he agreed with this approach to solving the problem.
He said there should also be a separate centre where labour officials can give advice to employers and educate them about human trafficking networks.
This should help "cut the cycle of human trade," Mr Kamchon said.
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Asahi Shimbun - Japan intercepts N. Korea weapons-grade material bound for Myanmar
November 24, 2012
By YOSHIHIRO MAKINO/ Correspondent
North Korea tried to ship materials suitable for uranium enrichment or missile development to Myanmar via China this year, in violation of a U.N. Security Council resolution, The Asahi Shimbun has learned.
The shipment included about 50 metal pipes and 15 high-specification aluminum alloy bars, at least some of them offering the high strength needed in centrifuges for a nuclear weapons program.
Japan seized the items aboard a cargo vessel docked at Tokyo Port on Aug. 22, a raid which took place at the request of the United States, sources told The Asahi Shimbun.
Authorities concluded that the shipment originated in North Korea because the bars were found to be inscribed "DPRK," although investigators were unable to confirm the origin from cargo documents or from the ship's crew, the sources said.
Japan, the United States and South Korea believe Myanmar has abandoned its one-time nuclear weapons ambitions. This makes officials suspect that the aluminum alloy may have been intended for use in building missiles instead.
A South Korean government source said Myanmar may have been trying to develop short-range missiles in the event of border disputes with its neighbors.
The United States is among nations now easing sanctions against Myanmar and supporting its move toward democracy. On Nov. 19, Barack Obama, the first serving U.S. president to visit Myanmar, met with President Thein Sein in Yangon and requested that he sever military ties with North Korea.
The revelation of apparent continued links could hamper international reconciliation. And Pyongyang has complained of U.S. pressure on Myanmar to end relations.
It will also likely cause international criticism of Myanmar and China, which have both denied violating the U.N. ban on North Korean exports of weapons and related materials.
The cargo was to have been delivered to Soe Ming Htike, a Yangon-based construction company, which the U.S. government believes is a front for Myanmar's military procurement.
In an interview with The Asahi Shimbun, a company based in Dalian, China, confirmed that it had tried to send aluminum alloy to Myanmar.
"We became the cargo's owner at the request of a company," an official said. "We have learned that the cargo was seized, but we do not know why."
Japanese government officials believe North Korea acquired the aluminum alloy from China. They said North Korea is unlikely to possess the technology needed to produce such material.
At a meeting held to discuss the matter, Japanese officials from several government agencies agreed that the Chinese military—which ultimately controls its defense industry—must have approved North Korea's exporting the materials to Myanmar.
The sources said the cargo was loaded onto the 17,138-ton Wan Hai 215, a Singapore-registered cargo vessel operated by a Taiwanese shipping company, in Dalian on July 27.
On Aug. 9, the cargo was offloaded and placed aboard the 27,800-ton Wan Hai 313 in Shekou, China.
On Aug. 14, the cargo was scheduled to change ships once again in Malaysia and to reach Yangon Port the following day.
The United States learned about the cargo's possible contents and asked the Taiwanese shipping company not to carry out the transshipment in Malaysia.
The Wan Hai 313 entered Tokyo Port on Aug. 22. Officers from Tokyo Customs, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry and other agencies examined the cargo and found the items in question.
For the first time, Japan applied a special measures law that allows the government to inspect cargo on ships suspected of carrying weapons and related materials to and from North Korea.
Meanwhile, the discovery could force Japan, the United States and South Korea to review their nuclear nonproliferation policy.
A Japanese government source said since North Korea has no apparent difficulty procuring the necessary aluminum alloy it now likely "has acquired a large number of centrifuges."
In November 2010, North Korea showed centrifuges to U.S. experts at a nuclear facility at Yongbyon. Officials claimed there were 2,000 centrifuges, enough to produce 40 kilograms of highly enriched uranium in one year, if certain conditions are met. That amount is sufficient for one or two nuclear bombs.
The U.S. and South Korean intelligence agencies suspect that North Korea is operating additional underground uranium enrichment facilities elsewhere.
"North Korea would never disclose all its cards," one South Korean government source said. "There must be other facilities."
It is difficult to monitor the activities of centrifuges with an intelligence satellite because the site needed is small compared with the large reactor needed to produce plutonium for bombs.
North Korea and Myanmar have had military ties for years.
Sources quoted Shwe Mann, speaker of Myanmar's lower house, as recently telling Japanese government officials that North Korea has yet to deliver some weapons ordered by Myanmar in the past. But, the speaker insisted, Myanmar would pursue no new weapons purchases from North Korea.
Shwe Mann's remark effectively contradicts Myanmar's official stance that it has not had any military transactions since spring 2011.
The United States and South Korea learned that Myanmar signed contracts to purchase military supplies from North Korea when Shwe Mann visited the country in November 2008 as joint chief of staff. Among facilities Shwe Mann inspected was a North Korean missile factory.
In January, a ship arrived at Yangon Port via China, carrying cargo that had been loaded in Nampho, North Korea, ordered by an organization affiliated with the Myanmar military.
"The cargo was a primary machine tool for weapons manufacture," said a diplomatic source in Yangon. "Military ties between Myanmar and North Korea have not been cut off."
North Korean military engineers have been spotted in Myanmar, as well as officials from a company that procures personal funds for the North Korean leader, Kim Jong Un.
The U.S. and South Korean intelligence agencies have stationed personnel at airports and ports in Myanmar to monitor traffic, but North Koreans are apparently traveling by land through China, sources said.
Investigations by Japan and the United States have found that Myanmar has—at some point—imported from North Korea weapons that include mortars.
Myanmar has also informally told the United States it built underground tunnels near Naypyidaw and elsewhere with technical assistance from the North Korean military.
Japan, the United States and South Korea have refrained from disclosing details about military ties between North Korea and Myanmar.
"If we went public with that, we would thrust Myanmar closer to China and North Korea," said one Japanese government source.
Meanwhile, a Chinese government source criticized the approach of countries such as the United States toward Myanmar.
"It does not contain only niceties, such as an evaluation of the pro-democracy movement," the source said. "This is a geopolitical confrontation between China and the United States."
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