New York Times - Aung San Suu Kyi Meets With Myanmar President
By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
Published: August 19, 2011 at 11:51 AM ET
YANGON, Myanmar (AP) — Myanmar's government invited democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi to a meeting Friday with the president, state-run television reported, in her highest contact with the new, nominally civilian government since her release from house arrest in November.
Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein held "frank and friendly discussions" to "find ways and means of cooperation," the state-run broadcast reported while airing video of them greeting each other.
The meeting lasted nearly an hour and was "significant," a government source told The Associated Press earlier. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak with journalists.
The 66-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate has repeatedly called for political dialogue with the government since her release from seven years of house arrest.
If Suu Kyi's opposition party reaches an accommodation with the government, it could serve as a reason for Western nations to lift political and economic embargoes on the country that have hindered development and pushed it into dependence on neighboring China.
Nyan Win, the spokesman for Suu Kyi's Nation League for Democracy party told the AP that Suu Kyi's meeting "could be the first step toward national reconciliation," but declined to elaborate until details were available.
It remains unclear if the government is committed to a dialogue with the country's most prominent opposition leader, and whether it would be willing to discuss the kinds of reforms that would restore its legitimacy with the international community. The country's leaders previously have failed to follow through on pledges to initiate substantial reform.
Suu Kyi made her first trip to the administrative capital Naypyitaw on Friday and later went into the meeting with Thein Sein, the official said.
Thein Sein took power in March after an election that critics dismissed as a sham to create a nominally civilian government while entrenching the country's military rulers. The new government is led by retired military figures, and the constitution ensures the military retains dominance.
However, the new government has become more open about meeting with dissidents, and has introduced some economic reforms.
They also invited the UN special envoy on human rights in Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, to return for his first visit since February 2010, the UN said in a statement Thursday. He will visit Aug. 21-25 after repeatedly being refused a visa for more than a year.
Thein Sein on Wednesday also had invited Suu Kyi to attend a national economic development forum that started today in Naypyitaw. Suu Kyi did not attend the forum.
In another conciliatory gesture, the government on Wednesday invited armed ethnic groups to hold peace talks.
Suu Kyi's NLD won a 1990 general election but was barred from taking power by the army, which instead cracked down on political dissenters, and Suu Kyi — the biggest threat to the military's authority — spent 15 of the past 22 years in detention.
Her party boycotted a fresh election held last November that was internationally denounced as unfair.
President Thein Sein, who was prime minister under the military junta that handed over power to his government in March, is reputed to be a moderate and relatively accessible compared to past leaders.
In 2009, Suu Kyi requested a meeting with former junta chief Senior Gen Than Shwe so they could cooperate, but her request was denied.
Since the new government took power in March, a government minister twice met with Suu Kyi in Yangon, and authorities have not interfered with her political activities.
Critics claim Thein Sein's approach is meant only to achieve a facade of legitimacy to restore its image in the region and end Western sanctions.
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MYANMAR: Food concerns rise for Kachin IDPs
BANGKOK, 19 August 2011 (IRIN) - Aid workers in Myanmar's northern Kachin State have expressed concern over prospects for food security after recent fighting between government forces and the rebel Kachin Independence Army (KIA).
"Even if the fighting stops, we will face a food crisis for one or two years," Mai Ja, a spokeswoman for the Kachin Women's Association Thailand (KWAT), told IRIN.
Since fighting resumed two months ago after a breakdown in a 17-year ceasefire in June - much of it due to a proposed government plan to incorporate Myanmar's numerous armed ethnic groups into a single border guard force - thousands of people have fled to urban areas such as Myitkyina, the capital of Kachin State, and Waimaw, as well as other areas under the control of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the political wing of the KIA.
In addition, some people have crossed the border into China.
Up to 25,000 people are now believed to have been displaced, including 15,000 along the 2,185km Burmese-Chinese border, now living in makeshift camps set up by local aid groups.
Another 10,000 people are believed to be in Myitkyina, Waimaw, Moe Mauk and Bamaw townships.
Thousands of farmers abandoned their crops and livestock at a critical time of year, say aid groups. Farmers in Kachin's highlands traditionally grow their paddy, a staple part of the Burmese diet, in June, while farmers in the lower areas grow theirs in July and August.
And while a small number of farmers have remained behind to work their fields, the vast majority have not.
In Ban Sau Yang, a village on the road between Myitkyina and Bamaw, just seven of 170 families have stayed behind, only to struggle to hire additional labour to assist them.
"If they cannot harvest their farms and paddy fields this season, how will they cover their family's food needs next year?" Mai Ja asked.
Aid groups now worry that lack of local paddy production will have a serious impact on all of Kachin State, as people from areas such as Myitkyina, Waimaw and Laiza rely on the rice produced in the conflict-affected areas.
"People from the villages which are close to Myanmar forces will suffer seriously," said La Rip, coordinator of Laiza-based Kachin Relief Action Network for IDP [internally displaced person] and Refugee (RANIR), while residents along the road between Myitkyina and Bamaw will suffer the most.
Food assistance
At present, the displaced are receiving help from local aid groups and those in the community, but there are doubts over how long that can continue.
"We won't be able to support [this] for the long run," La Rip said, reiterating a call for international assistance.
"WFP [the UN World Food Programme] on Thursday [18 August] started distribution to the displaced in Kachin, providing rice rations to about 3,100 displaced people in Myitkyina and [the] neighbouring town, Waimaw," Marcus Prior, regional spokesman for WFP, said on 19 August.
"Rice supplies for an additional 3,000 displaced people around Bamaw are planned for distribution in the coming days and we are hopeful that these distributions to the displaced will be significantly expanded in the weeks ahead."
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Myanmar's Suu Kyi To Attend State-Sponsored Forum
8/19/2011 3:46 AM ET
(RTTNews) - Myanmar's pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has accepted a government invitation to attend a state-sponsored workshop on economic development slated to open in capital Naypyidaw on Friday, her party officials said Thursday.
According to officials from the National League for Democracy (NLD), Suu Kyi is currently on her way to Naypyidaw from Rangoon by car and is expected to reach the capital before the workshop begins at 1 PM on Friday.
The trip marks Suu Kyi's first trip to the capital since she was released from seven straight years of house arrest in November. Officials say the Nobel laureate is likely to meet with Myanmar President Thein Sein during the three day conference as he is scheduled to open the event on Friday.
In addition to Suu Kyi, Myanmar's civilian government has also invited representatives from 37 other political parties to attend the National Level Workshop on Reforms for Economic Development, which runs from August 19 to 21.
The new civilian government in Myanmar, comprising mostly former military Generals, was sworn in March, following the country's first elections in 20 years. It replaced the previous military regime headed by Senior General Than Shwe. But, the November polls were dubbed as an eye-wash by most of the international community.
The pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party led by Thein Sein, a former Army General, had secured overwhelming victory in the polls in which both Suu Kyi and her National League for Democracy party were denied participation.
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UN Human Rights Envoy To Visit Myanmar Next Week
8/17/2011 6:57 AM ET
(RTTNews) - United Nations special human rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana is scheduled to visit Myanmar next week, media reports quoting officials said on Wednesday.
The visit comes after Myanmar's new civilian government granted visa to Quintana after the previous military junta refused him entry into the country for more than a year. Reports suggest that Quintana was denied entery due to his support for a U.N. probe into war crimes and human rights violations in that reclusive Asian country.
U.N. sources were quoted as saying that Quintana's five-day visit would focus on assessing the progress of humanitarian situation in Myanmar after the civilian government took office early this year.
He is expected to hold talks with Ministers in capital Naypyitaw before traveling to Yangon to meet with Opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Quintana had angered Myanmar's previous military junta when he backed a proposed U.N. probe into the country's human rights record. Further, he had said earlier this year that his support for the inquiry remained strong despite a change of government in Myanmar in March.
"A commission of inquiry is an option, and I'm not dropping it," Quintana said while addressing a press conference in the Thai capital of Bangkok in May.
The new civilian government in Myanmar, comprising mostly former military Generals, was sworn in March following its first elections in 20 years. But the polls were dubbed as an eye-wash by most of the international community.
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The Age - After all this time, Burma's Lady is not for turning
Lindsay Murdoch, South-east Asia Correspondent
August 20, 2011
SOLDIERS armed with AK-47s waved the Australian embassy car through checkpoints to a two-storey colonial house at 54 University Avenue, Rangoon.
It was an early morning in 1989, the year of the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Tiananmen Square massacre and the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia.
Only months before, Burmese soldiers had quelled a popular uprising, killing up to 3000 people on Rangoon's streets.
Australia's then ambassador, Christopher Lamb, helped arrange an interview with Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of Burma's democracy movement, who greeted me warmly at the door of the house overlooking Inya Lake.
Suu Kyi dismissed comparisons between herself and then Philippine president Corazon Aquino and Pakistan's Benazir Bhutto, who like her had returned to their Asian homelands to lead popular democratic movements.
But she showed glimpses of the steely determination that has apparently helped keep her sane through 15 years of subsequent house arrest.
''When you see people getting shot, then obviously it is time for change,'' Suu Kyi told me. ''People want change. They are prepared to sacrifice to get it.''
Fast-forward 22 years. As I return to the region, Burmese in exile and human rights organisations speak in awe of the now 66-year-old Nobel laureate who is still standing up to the generals.
Over the years, they have shown scant compassion for The Lady, as Suu Kyi is known, refusing a visa for her cancer-stricken husband Michael Aris so she could be reunited with him before he died on his 53rd birthday in 1999.
However, some interesting developments in recent days have Burma watchers cautiously optimistic. Has it dawned on the generals that if the country they call Myanmar is to shed its pariah status, they must include Suu Kyi in a process of reconciliation?
She has held two recent meetings with the country's Labour Minister, Aung Kyi, and last weekend travelled to greet supporters and comfort flood victims; her first political trip since release from house arrest last November.
Yesterday came the most significant shift yet, with the government inviting Suu Kyi to Naypyidaw, the showcase capital, for the first time, to attend an economic workshop alongside President Thein Sein.
The regime has reneged on many past promises. Suu Kyi is treading warily.
She recently softened her opposition to private tourism in the country, while supporting sanctions on key industries.
She has declined to discuss the contents of her discussions with Aung Kyi on the ground that it is too early. ''I just don't want to form false, lofty expectations,'' she said.
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Asian Correspondent - Burma’s President meets Suu Kyi , but people watch cautiously
By Zin Linn Aug 20, 2011 12:30AM UTC
Burma’s Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi met President Thein Sein on Friday, a source in Naypyitaw (New Capital) said. It was said to be the first meeting between the two. Some optimists think this latest meeting gives a preliminary sense of conciliation talks between the military-backed new government and the key opposition figure.
The key opposition party leader, Suu Kyi, who spent 15 years in custody under the former military junta for confrontation for democracy, arrived Naypyitaw today, to meet President Thein Sein, an ex-general in the military regime.
The two met at the presidential palace, an official from the Information Ministry said, who wants to remain anonymous. The official did not elaborate on what was discussed. The meeting took place between 4 and 5 pm, according to Khun Thar Myint, one of Suu Kyi’s spokespersons.
Burma’s democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi made an appeal on 28 July for political talk and an urgent ceasefire between major ethnic rebel groups – Kachin Independence Organization, Karen National Union, New Mon State Party, Shan State Army – and government troops.
In her open letter dispatched to the country’s new President Thein Sein, Suu Kyi offered to act as a mediator between the government and the ethnic rebels, and said the continuous fighting has been damaging the national reconciliation which is so important for the nation that composed mainly of ethnic population.
Some analysts consider Thein Sein, who took office on March 30, as a soft-liner in the new government which was surrounded by hardliners opposed to talk with Suu Kyi. The relation between Suu Kyi and the military has long been freezing, except the new government’s engagement with Labour Minister Aung Kyi.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi released a statement dated June 20 calling both government and KIO to stop heavy fighting immediately in order to protect people’s lives and properties. It also called for peaceful talks between stakeholders to settle down the decade-long political crisis of the country.
In December 2010, Burmese junta’s two mouthpiece newspapers criticized dissident politicians who support Aung San Suu Kyi’s national reconciliation plan. Burma’s military rulers dismissed the actions of democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi, who tries to revive the spirit of Panglong Agreement providing self-reliance to ethnic nationalities, as a “cheap political stunt”.
Burma’s 64-year-old Panglong Agreement has been disregarded by the successive Burmese regimes, including the current President Thein Sein government. The Panglong Agreement was signed on Feb. 12, 1947, between General Aung San and leaders of the Chin, Kachin and Shan ethnic groups guaranteeing a genuine federal union of Burma.
Next week, Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, will revisit the country after banning more than a year. Quintana last visited Burma in February 2010 but was not allowed to see opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at that time. In this imminent trip, Quintana will have to meet Burma’s Nobel laureate, who was freed from seven years of house arrest soon after the country’s controversial election in November last year.
On August 12, Kyan Hsan, Information Minister of Thein Sein government, led the first press conference in Naypyitaw. During the press panel, Kyaw Hsan said that even though the NLD is an unlawful party, the government has been managing that matter patiently.
Kyaw Hsan also said the government has been keenly observed to talk with Suu Kyi in accordance with President Thein Sein’s inaugural speech on March 30. He also urged the NLD to reregister as a party if they wished to take part in the affairs of state.
Currently, the NLD refuses to go under the 2008 constitution which has been disregarded by most ethnic armed groups including Kachin, Shan and Karen.
It is obvious, the problem of the 2008 constitution will be the toughest topic to talk about between President Thein Sein and opposition figure Aung San Suu Kyi, apart from releasing of political prisoners and stopping of ethnic wars.
Moreover, some observers are still doubtful that the meeting between Thein Sein and Suu Kyi might be a time buying tactic since the new government has been trying to gain the ASEAN chair ahead of political reforms.
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The Times of India - Fight to go on for generations, says Suu Kyi
TNN | Aug 19, 2011, 03.23AM IST
NEW DELHI: With international support pouring in for Anna Hazare, the anti-corruption activist may have found his biggest supporter in Myanmar's Nobel Peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. In an exclusive interview to Times Now before Anna's arrest, Suu Kyi said his fight would continue for generations.
"Anna Hazare's movement shows everywhere there is hatred for corruption," she said. The crusader for democracy said it was imperative that in India and across the world people fight against corruption. "Generation after generation will have to continue this fight against corruption," she said.
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Myanmar holds world humanitarian day ceremony in Yangon
English.news.cn 2011-08-19 16:46:18
YANGON, Aug. 19 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar held a ceremony here Friday to commemorate the World Humanitarian Day to honor humanitarian workers who have lost their lives or been injured in the course of their work.
The ceremony was attended by government representatives, members of the diplomatic corps and representatives from the United Nations and Humanitarian Community.
U Soe Kyi, director general of the Department of Social Welfare, said the government welcomes the humanitarian community to work together with the government.
Myanmar reconstituted the Natural Disaster Preparedness Committee, chaired by U Aung Kyi, Minister for Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement as well as Myanmar National Search and Rescue Committee, chaired by Lieutenant-General Ko Ko, Minister of Home Affairs.
At the ceremony, humanitarian aid partners, Myanmar Red Cross Society and World Vision shared their experiences in the two recent natural disasters, and UN agencies and humanitarian partners also displayed tables showcasing their activities.
Over the past three years, Cyclone Nargis, Cyclone Giri and a major earthquake hit Myanmar.
This year, heavier rainfall than the previous years flooded the country.
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Myanmar president outlines new policy on domestic affairs
English.news.cn 2011-08-18 11:19:24
by Feng Yingqiu
YANGON, Aug. 18 (Xinhua) -- Myanmar President U Thein Sein has outlined some new policies especially dealing with the country's economy, armed conflicts with ethnic armed groups and dissidents staying in and out of the country.
Addressing a special meeting with officials from economic and social sectors, associations and organizations in Nay Pyi Taw Wednesday, U Thein Sein said ways and means are being sought to ease the crisis that farmers are facing out of economic sanctions, flood and poverty and impact on agricultural export earning by falling U.S. dollar against Myanmar Kyat.
The affected export earning out of dollar crisis is being remedied by gradually reducing export tax and even a measure of total exemption of the tax was carried out in a latest move, he said.
On recent armed clashes between the government and the ethnic armed group of Kachin Independence Army (KIA), he maintained that "The Tamadaw (armed forces) will not launch attack, except defensive attacks," saying that the government has shown great patience.
" Not only KIA/KIO but also any anti-government armed groups in Shan state and Kayin state can hold talks with respective governments if they really favor peace" he appealed, reiterating that the door to peace is still kept open.
Dealing with dissidents in and out of the country, U Thein Sein said "Any individuals and organizations in the nation, that have different views from the government, should not take account of disagreements", inviting them to work with the government for common goals in the national interest.
He spelled out that the government will make review to ensure that "Myanmar citizens, living abroad for some reasons, can return home if they have not committed any crime".
"If a Myanmar citizen in a foreign country, who committed crime and applies for returning home to serve terms, we will show our benevolent attitude in dealing his case," Thein Sein said without further specific clarification.
He urged all to work hard together based on the common ground to enable the country to stand tall as a peaceful and modern nation in the international community.
He expressed the government's belief that Myanmar will be developed soon if people are united and work hard together, seizing all opportunity and making use of favorable condition.
The Myanmar government has, since the previous government era, been making efforts to transform former anti-government ethnic armed groups, that have made peace with the government under cease- fire agreements, in line with the new state constitution.
Hard negotiation is underway between the government and the ethnic KIA armed group after their recent armed clashes.
Since 1994, 17 major anti-government ethnic armed groups and 23 other small groups have made peace with the government. Of them, 15 groups laid down their arms completely, while five were transformed into government's border guard forces and 15 into people's militia.
However, five groups rejected to be so transformed, namely, KIA, United Wa State Army (UWSA), National Democracy Alliance Army ( NDAA)-Mongla, New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Kayin National Union( KNU)-U Htay Maung group.
Meanwhile, at the invitation of the Myanmar new government, Union Minister of Labor U Aung Kyi and noted political figure Aung San Suu Kyi met for the second round in Yangon on Aug. 12, agreeing to four points -- to join hand in hand to carry out tasks for the country's stability and peace and development to fulfill the wish of the people; to cooperate
constructively for the development of the country's economic and social affairs and for the development of democracy system; to avoid disputed views and carry out cooperative tasks on reciprocal basis; and to continue dialogue.
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Council on Foreign Relations (blog) - Signs of Change in Burma?
Posted on Thursday, August 18, 2011
by Joshua Kurlantzick
Since the highly suspect national “elections” held in Burma last November, Burmese activists and average Burmese citizens have been looking for any signs that the new, civilian government, would be any different from decades of venal and ruthless military regimes that have ruled the country. For months, there were very few signs. Though the new president, Thein Sein, has reputedly reformist tendencies, many Burma watchers have reported that he has had to fight with a group of reactionary hard-liners who have been put in power essentially to check him. Most notably, Asia Times has reported that Vice President Thin Aung Myint Oo, a hard-liner, has effectively stood in the way of any real change that Thein Sein has promoted. Following any cabinet meetings, Thin Aung Myint Oo reportedly summons cabinet members and warns them not to proceed with any reform.
This set-up may well have been by design. As Asia Times reported:
As former junta leader Than Shwe has withdrawn from the scene, some believe he deliberately left a power vacuum in his wake which Thein Sein and Thin Aung Myint Oo are competing to fill. If the competition escalates into open rifts, some fear the military could step in to suspend the country’s nascent democracy.
Largely because of these signs of blocked reform, the US Congress has extended comprehensive sanctions on Burma. In an age of partisan tension, these sanctions enjoy widespread bipartisan support.
But in recent weeks, other, more optimistic signals have emerged. As I have written before, any such signals must certainly be taken with a grain of salt. The Burmese government has on many previous occasions dangled promises of reform when it wants to get something from the international community; this time, that wish list includes hosting the 2014 ASEAN Summit, as well as better relations with the United States, other Western nations, and some of its more skeptical Southeast Asian peers. Still, the fact that Aung San Suu Kyi has been able to travel the country, and now may be using those travels to rebuild the National League for Democracy into a party capable of contesting the next elections, should not be wholly discounted. In addition, the stated desires by the government to have Burmese exiles return to the country –- many of whom fled to avoid political persecution, also suggests that real reform may be brewing. If Suu Kyi is allowed to continue traveling and speaking for an extended period and the NLD is able to re-emerge, that would be the clearest sign of real change.
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Asian Tribune - The Union Perspective: Blue Print for Standing Together
Sat, 2011-08-20 00:14 — editor
By Kanbawza Win
Burma has been a pariah nation since 1988, shun by the civilized international community. The Burmese army is reviled domestically and around the world. This is galling to the men in uniforms and naturally these Generals want to sit smart in the community of the civilized nations, in spite of their gross human rights violations.
International Scene
The country had missed a chance to chair of ASEAN in 2006, because of strong international objections led by Western countries, when the systematic use of rape by the Burmese soldiers scrutinized and confirmed by International Organizations and Foreign Governments, couple with the attempted assassination of the Noble Peace Laureate at Depaeyin, which marked the most atrocious chapter of contemporary history of Burma, has become the most notorious country in the world.
Hence the new administration of the Junta has embarked on the public relations drive aimed at shedding a reputation synonymous with human rights violations and abuse. Despite assertions from Naypyidaw that Burma is progressing in the right direction, it remains Southeast Asia’s least developed countries, and ranks 132 out of 169 countries on the UN Human Development Index and various assessments brand the country as a top source for rapes, refugees, drugs and human trafficking, hindering international aid for refugees, all of which have become a sensitive blot on the region’s reputation.
Now, another chance for Burma comes out in 2014. Again this time the rape of the Kachin women, authentically proved by the international organizations and strongly condemn by the US Congress couple with the massive child soldiers and staging a sham election with a dubious constitution, not to mention holding more than 2,000 political prisoners would be an embarrassment for the region to be its chairperson.
In order to appease these crimes and to gain legitimacy internationally, as well as to gain credit among its own people, the regime had invited ASEAN Chairperson. Marty Natalegawa, the Indonesia's Foreign Minister to visit Naypyidaw. But he had made it clear that he will go only if Burma makes a satisfactory progress towards resolving the issues, such as dialogue with pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, ceasefire with the ethnic nationalities and the releasing of more than 2,000 political prisoners.
Hence to prove it, at least cosmetically, the Thein Sein Administration has grudgingly, if not cautiously, contacted the Lady.via the information minister. The irony is that, if it is according to the laws of the Junta, NLD is an illegal association, and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi is persona non grata. Why contact now? The raison d’être is crystal clear; it wants to show to ASEAN and the world that there is already a dialogue. Then reluctantly it held a cease fire talks with the Kachin, just to prove to the World Community that they are having a dialogue, when in fact, the regime is not sincere by dispatching only a junior officer which authentically proved that it is reluctant to find a negotiated settlement. The high water mark was by its refusal to dialogue with the Shan, Karenni and the Karen. In a way they are up to their old tricks of divide and rule policy on the ethnic nationalities.
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When it comes to a sensitive topic of releasing 2000 plus political prisoners held in inhumane and harsh conditions, it is synchronising with some pro-engagement, anti-sanctions apologists and members of the international community in the form of a partial political prisoner release as pretext for a “positive development” to sell Western governments on the idea of lifting sanctions and dropping the call for a UN Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on human rights abuses in Burma.
The pro-engagement, anti-sanctions diplomats, business persons and international NGOs especially led by the Nazi ancestors, are now attempting vigorously to persuade the country’s new quasi-civilian government to give them something, to show that they can be used to argue for reduced sanctions and the opportunity to invest in Burma, in order to open up a new market to exploit the country`s natural and human resources, at a time when Europe is experiencing a financial crisis.
It has been proved that behind diplomatic doors, the pro-engagement, anti-sanctions forces are asking for the release of 200-300 political prisoners all at once, and the regime relented by releasing one prisoner a day. In another three months when about 100 or so of its least-threatening prisoners have been released, then it will have create a dilemma for those who genuinely care about democracy and human rights in Burma. Simultaneously because the thaw relations between the Thein Sein administration and NLD there is a possibility that a fraction of the 2000 plus political prisoners will be released, now that regime construe that the ethnic nationalities poses as enemy No 1 instead of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.
Perhaps the Generals have figured out her popularity as a pop star, instead of a revolutionary figure that will inspire the masses to serious and sustained revolt and have reworked their approach to containing her just like, what the Thai army is doing to Yinluck Shinawahtra. Obviously, anyone resisting rewarding the release of prisoners with meaningful carrots—such as reduced sanctions or support for the award of the ASEAN chair to Burma in 2014—will be accused of being a “stubborn radical” who is unwilling to compromise. The people of Burma and the international community should see this nasty trick and manoeuvre. The international community must know to allow the prisoner as human capital, bartering away as objects, some holding while others releasing, in order to obtain benefits will allow the regime to perpetuate its oppression of the Burmese people and to benefit the West is something to think of?
Even though any political prisoner release is welcome by anybody, the international community should not allow its own economic motives to cause it to fall into the regime’s trap and give away the leverage of sanctions and a CoI at the cost of the peoples of Burma, before all of Burma’s 2,000 plus political prisoners have all been released and genuine democracy has been restored. So far the only truly significant development has been the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, that was counterbalanced by barring her from participating in the election and the continue crackdown on ethnic nationalities. Can all these be counted as small and positive changes to release the punitive actions as the apologist claims?
National Scene
As far as the domestic scene is concern, the writings on the wall is clear, the regime’s propensity for violence will neither bring national reconciliation nor will it lead Burma to democracy; it will only lead to Myanmarnization over the non Myanmar and deepen the enduring political grievances of systemic alienation and suppression felt by ethnic nationalities. The ethnic nationalities have no choice left to counter it democratically but resort to taking up arms as it had done for decades to rightfully defend their national birthright of ethnic equality and self-determination within their own territory. More than ever before, the changing political trends and drama unfolding inside Burma have demanded that leaders of ethnic-based armed opposition groups stand together in their resistance of armed struggle against successive military regimes. The political stakes are too high for non-cooperation. Knowing the potential power of their collective force, they need to fight their common enemy under the banners of ‘we suffer together; we will fight together; we die together; we shared together’.
Previously due to the corrosion of the internal cohesion among its members and lack of commitment in adhering to their common strategy, the military regime had succeeded in effectively undermining the front by persuading some members of the front to enter into the ceasefire agreements individually. Once, one main member party signs a peace deal with the military regime, it enables the Burmese army to break the internal cohesion and unity of the ethnic nationalities, thus subsequently weakening the collective movement.
Now over the years, understanding has reached that the collective forces of the armed group pose a serious threat to its grip on power, successive military regimes have been employing the strategy of ‘divide and rule’ in dismantling one by one of the collective forces of opposition armed groups. While many of Burma’s watchers wonder about the future of armed struggle in Burma, the recent re-unification of ethnic-based armed organizations under the umbrella of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) reinvigorates the hope of many in the ongoing ethno- democratic movements. The creation of the UNFC once again signifies the realization that ‘the ethnic resistance forces are more powerful and stronger when they fight collectively, rather than fighting separately without cooperation, what in Burmese we say Nwa Kwe Kyar Kaik . Remembering that countless innocent lives have been sacrificed with the goals of reclaiming their inalienable rights to self-determination, equality, and universal human rights within the ethnic ancestral land, the current and future leadership of ethnic nationalities must attempt to minimize making a collateral strategic blunder in negotiating with the cunning, crafty regime one by one.
Indeed, the notion that we need each other and will stand together has long being embraced in 1976 under the banner of National Democratic Front (NDF). In this case it is worth mentioning that Salai Za Ceu Lian, a Chin scholar had drawn two explicit lessons from the NDF’s experience. First is not to allow the economic and social incentives to outweigh their political rights. Second, is not to enter into a ceasefire agreement with the military regime individually and separately, that would pave the way for the military regime to dismantle one by one again by the regime divide and rule policy. In this aspect the Kachin, which has the most educated leaders, had done a commendable job in demanding that there should be a nation-wide ceasefire and others should follow its example. It is for the Karenni, Shan, Mon, Chin and the Karen or any breakaway party to follow suit. These are the pillars of success for the Non Myanmar whose combine population is far more than the Myanmar.
As seen the regime had refused to have a dialogue with leaders of the UNFC as a common body and have pressured the Thai Intelligence to close the UNFC Office in Chiang Mai and more of this can follow suit, as only then the Thais can exploit Burma’s natural and human resources now that Thaksin’s influence is gaining ground. This clearly indicates that the Burmese regime is not sincere and does not want a negotiated peace. Vice-President Tin Aung Myint Oo claimed Naypyidaw would welcome peace talks with the ethnic nationalities fighting the government is just a bluff. The authenticated proof of it is that fighting in the countryside goes on unabated especially in Karen, Kachin and Shan states. La Nan, joint-secretary of the KIO, said that is just a propaganda statement which has arisen due to international pressure on Burma.For far too long, the Junta had dictated the terms and conditions of ceasefire agreements in a way that serves its own interest of retaining power.
Pro-democracy Scene
If all the ethnic nationalities could unite, should we leave out the Myanmar ethnic groups? Are all the Myanmar practicing Myanmarnization policy? In other words are all the Myanmar bad? These are the basic questions which every ethnic leader, nationalist and patriot should ask himself, now that there is a possibility of thaw relations between the pro democratic forces and the quasi civilian government. No doubt there are genuine Pyidoungsu Myanmar and the Mahar Myanmar that are that wittingly or unwittingly encouraging the Myanmarnization philosophy and programme and even among the Burmese Diaspora who now are holding influential and high positions especially in the media.
One must be able to differentiate between the two. No doubt the Pyidoungsu Myanmar are the followers of Bogyoke Aung San particularly her daughter, U Win Tin, Ko Ko Gyi and the likes but not all the NLDs are Pyidaungsu Myanmar as a great majority of them, especially the retired generals, are Mahar Myanmar, who construe that ethnic nationalities are all rebels bent on balkanization. One can easily distinguished by their actions and their philosophy especially in the interpretation of the Burmese History. For instance, the military leaders and the great majority of the Mahar Myanmar share a belief that the present day Burma developed in a linear fashion straight from the founding of the first Burmese kingdom in 1044 AD under king Anawrahta. Only the British colonization of the Myanmar Kingdom disrupted this historical development. They believe in the accounts of their mighty, expansionistic imperialist empires (one of the proof is the three mammoth statues in Naypyidaw) with subordinate alliances made up of multi-ethnic and multi-language communities, including the Shan, the Arakanese, the Mons, and so on, encompassing the present day Burma and its political boundaries and, at times, stretching into neighbouring India and Thailand, others are their subordinates and hence should not be treated as equal but above the ethnic nationalities.
On the other hand the ethnic nationalities and the Pyidoungsu Myanmar believes that -
"The Union of Burma is a nation-state of diverse ethnic nations (ethnic nationalities or nationalities), founded in 1947 at the Panglong Conference by pre-colonial independent ethnic nationalities such as the Chin, the Kachin, Karen, Karenni, Mon and Rakhine (Arakan), Myanmar (Burman) and Shan based on the principle of equality. As it was founded by formerly independent peoples in 1947 through an agreement, the boundaries of the Union of Burma today are not historical."
This is a divergent - and obviously irreconcilable interpretation and will clearly different between the Mahar Myanmar and the Pyidoungsu Myanmar. The latter and the ethnic nationalities who are the genuine followers ofBogyoke Aung San can vividly recalls that in the submission of the Union constitution to the AFPFL at Jubilee Hall on May 1947, our beloved leader himself has said.
“When we build our new Burma, shall we build it as a Union or a Unitary State? In my opinion it will not be feasible to set up a Unitary State. We must set up a Union with a properly regulated provision to set up the rights of the ethnic nationalities.”
But the Myanmar historians never pick up this phrase. Even the arch supporter of the Burmese Junta Dr Maung Maung points out that, “The Union States should have their own separate constitutions, their own organ of states, viz parliament, government and Judiciary.”
On the eve on the historic Panglong Conference to be exact on 11th Frb.1947, Bogyoke Aung San said,“The dream of a unified and free Burma has always haunted me. We who are gathered here tonight are engaged in the pursuit of the same dream.. We have in Burma many indigenous peoples, the Karen, the Kachin, the Shan, the Chin, the Burman and others. In other countries too there are many indigenous peoples, many races. Thus races do not have rigid boundaries...If we want the nation to prosper, we must pool our resources, manpower, wealth, skills and work together. If we are divided, the Karen, the Shan, the Kachin, the Chin, the Burman (Myanmar), the Mon and the Arakanese, each pulling in a different direction, the Union will be torn, and we will come to grief. Let us come and work together.”
This is the essence of coming together but as everybody knows it Bogyoke Aung San and his key leaders were assassinated on 9th July 1948 and it was U Chan Htun the only proficient person whom the leaders had put their trust on him, shows his Mahar Bamar mentality by betraying Bogyoke Aung San and the ethnic nationalities of Burma by completely changing his vision made it a unitary state under the directions of U Nu.
Hence an average Myanmar view the ethnic nationality as somewhat the necessary evil of the country where he is destined to live forever and that it is his unbounded duty to lead him to civilization He/she must be showed the real civilization of the Myanmar people and finally lead him to Theravada Buddhism on to Nirvana. Whereas the ethnic nationalities view that the Myanmar people spearheaded by the Burmese army is still uncivilized as shown by their actions all these half a century especially in pillaging and raping of women, not to mention tens of thousands of child soldiers and killing of children and Buddhist monks. They were horrified that even now they are behaving in such a way should be brought back to civilization; slowly educate them to bring them back to the civilized international community.
History cannot be undone, but the point which I am emphasizing is that it will be a full mistake and a major blunder, if the ethnic nationalities did not put in the genuine Pyidoungsu Myanmar in their band wagon of the country’s epic struggle for the ultimate battle. Without the Pyidoungsu Myanmar, the ethnic nationalities will be building the Union of Ethnic Nationalities with Burmese as a lingua franca at its best and as its worst will be instead of the Union of Burma will be Balkanization. None of which is acceptable to the peoples of Burma or to the international community. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi call for the Second Panglong Conference, .not only to complete the unfinished work of her martyred father but is also potentially laying the groundwork for genuine security and economic prosperity in the border areas, where most ethnic nationalities live, is a clear clarion call which every ethno-democratic forces should lend a ear to stay united with her through thick and thin.
No doubt the flames of ethno-nationalisms of Burma will continue to burn, given the fact that many ethnic communities have been deprived of equality, politically, culturally and economically under the Myanmar -dominated rule for so long. But it must be remembered that the distrust and fear of the Myanmar race groups throughout the country began long before the country gain independence. Even though the Pyidoungsu Myanmar may feel some ideological affinity with their military rulers, more than our cosmopolitan, "enlighten ethnic nationalities” who speak a language littered with words like "federalism" or "self-determination" their reasoning is sound under the guidance of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi when juxtaposed with the ideological discourse of human rights and democracy with the world thinking in this globalized and digital world. Even now the Thein Sein administration is using his major trick by neither calling back the students and the Burmese intelligentsia in Diaspora to come back without general amnesty nor releasing the existing prisoners. But we should know that without the genuine Pyidoungsu Myanmar and vice versa without the ethnic nationalities our goal is unattainable. It is a MUST that the two will have to stick together.
Last but not the least is not to forget the Buddhist Clergy whose moral force and stand for justice and truth have shaken the Junta. The Shan, Arakanese, Mon and the majority of the Karen are still adherence of this faith and they have well organized groups both inside and outside the country. We should also recollect of what Bogyoke Aung San that one religion, one race and one language had gone obsolete.
“Religion is a matter of individual conscience, while politics is social science. We must see to it that the individual enjoys his rights, including the rights to freedom of religious beliefs and worship. We must draw clear lines between politics and religion because the two are not the same thing. If we mix religion and politics then we offend the spirit of religion itself.”
Hence let us not commit another crime by leaving the well meaning Pyidougsu Myanmar and the religious orders into our United Force for 100% success as the ultimate battles closes in.
ASEAN and Asian Scene
Part of the Truman doctrine of the Cold War period was creating a string of Defence Treaty Organizations (NATO in Europe, CENTO, Bagdad Pact in the Middle East, FETO in the Far East) and SEATO or the Manila Pact was born in 1954 including Thailand and Philippines to contain the socialist countries of Russia and China. Once it became obsolete it was replaced by ASEAN in 1967 by newly independent nations like Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore joined by Philippines and Thailand but it was not a defence pact but rather an economic entity. Since then, membership has expanded to include all the ten Southeast Asian countries and aims at the the acceleration of economic growth, social progress, cultural development, the protection of the peace and stability of the region, and to provide opportunities for member countries to discuss differences peacefully.
Due to the economic nature of ASEAN, the Constructive Engagement Policy on Burma was adopted when she was in trouble, just to exploit the country’s natural and human resources to their benefit .ASEAN for years held the position that the crisis in Burma is a domestic issue; and closes their eyes to the fact that people are fleeing their homes and spilling into neighbouring territory. It does nothing about the situation and according to the guidelines of the Constructive Engagement Policy continued investing in the many mega-projects inside the country and has no qualms about giving the chair to Burma.
But the association’s most influential Western partners and the civilized international community have said the case must be decided based on Burma's political and economic reforms and the region’s reputation and credibility would be greatly harmed by supporting a member country as its leader that promotes dictatorship and the violation of basic human rights. Lessons from ASEM (Asia Europe Meeting where EU cancelled because of Burma) must be heeded and could not afford a break with the West.
Besides as an emerging economic region with a long history of political instability, ASEAN governments have increasingly spoken of their desire for a leadership that can tackle the manifold social, political and economic problems they collectively face – a call that gains pertinence as borders become more porous, trade grows and an ASEAN ‘community’ blossoms. They also realise that in an apparent attempt to project a reformist image, the quasi civilian government has sought the help of the International Monetary Fund in modernizing its currency exchange system and have withdrew foreign exchange certificates (FECs) and is craftily using Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, to seek normalization of their deepening and constitutionalized military -business class to be acceptable in terms of international relations,
On the other hand the Arab Spring has blossom and Southeast itself is changing, Philippines and Indonesia has become full blown democracy and one party dictatorship under the smokescreen of democracy as in Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore are waning, Vietnam and Cambodia have adopted market economy and the leaders of ASEAN are now plodding with the idea of whether it is time for ASEAN to assist Burma in securing justice and if possible to stop human rights violations. Of course it can easily do this by bringing the legal process to bear on the perpetrators and providing relief and comfort to victim’s families and those who suffer in natural catastrophes. This would be a huge step in the resolution of one of the world’s most shameful conflicts between a government and its people.
The people of Burma and the international community has learnt that the Burmese gridlock is not a horizontal one with one ethnic nationalities or party fighting one another but all the pro democratic forces and the ethnic nationalities are fighting against the military Junta and its accomplice. The generals still perceive themselves as good, family men trying their level best to defend Myanmar's sovereignty and territorial integrity. They view themselves as the saviour of the nation from potential Balkanization and keepers of law and order. Virtually all of them are insular, are stuck in the old father-knows-best mentality and demand complete and utter loyalty. While the rank and file live rather poor lives, not dissimilar to the bulk of the population, a handful of top generals live extremely lavishly by local standards.
The Burmese army view that ordinary people and civil servants of the country live more easy-going lives. They are undisciplined and have many leisure hours. They do business just to enrich themselves. When the army cracks down on peaceful demonstrators, they viewed them as lazy opportunists who are asking for rights without working hard and sacrificing like them The army as a whole works hard whereas others don`t do.. The soldiers work industriously and are disciplined and for this they are simply reaping the advantages from performance. The end result is that soldiers believe they have the sole right to hold state power due to their hard work and sacrifices and could not comprehend of why these foreign countries are always asking the army to give up power. No doubt foreigners work hard and think smarter than lazy people of Burma, and these are the reasons developed countries are ahead of Burma seems to be the Burmese army`s logic and rationale.
In other words the Burmese army in a way blame the people for failing to develop the country. When ordinary people go abroad to seek job opportunity, they see them as betraying the country and opting for a foreign one. Not a single general or soldier had the slightest idea that the country could not move forward because of the army’s heavy handed control. The Burmese army propaganda encourages a blind racist nationalism, full of references to protecting the Myanmar ethnic race leaving out the other ethnic nationalities. This implies that if the Myanmar do not oppress other nationalities then they find themselves be oppressed. For them national reconciliation means assimilation and preventing disintegration of the Union of Burma, all the ethnic races must be assimilated into the Myanmar race including their language, culture and values. With such kind of mind set it is still to be seen how will ASEAN respond to be eligible for the chairperson?
Will ASEAN’s support for the call of the international community and the United Nations to establish a Commission of Inquiry into the crimes against humanity which is the only way to achieve the ultimate goal or will they prove it that ASEAN chairperson to be the highest stage of this Constructive Engagement is still to be seen?
Given the staunch political support and unprincipled business dealings from Beijing's bogus neo-communists with their unquenchable thirst for Burma's energy resources, as well as the support of the veto-wielding Russia, the international community has so far not been powerful enough to either strong-arm or persuade the regime to find a peaceful resolution to their self-perpetuated war against their own citizens.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s focus on a more durable and equitable resolution of Burma's festering interethnic relations should pique interest from Kunming to Zhongnanhai and make the men on the dragon throne sit up. By proposing to reopen negotiations on a new Second Panglong Agreement, modeled on the 1947 pact would be in China's interests, since it would resolve the dilemma arising from its present conflicted role. Beijing poses as both the protector of ethnic Chinese minority peoples on the Burmese side of the border, and also the political protector and economic enabler of their tormentors.
It can be seen that the Chinese government's hopes that the recent elections would help move the country in that direction have proven to be illusory, as armed conflict has resumed in the wake of widespread disenfranchisement and continued state violence in ethnic areas. This unstable situation has major implications for China's quest to exploit Burma's natural resources, as both petroleum pipelines and major hydroelectric projects traverse or are located in ethnic homelands. These projects have already been the site of anti-Chinese violence. If Daw Aung San Suu Kyi can succeed where the Junta's coercive approach has failed, China would be one of the biggest beneficiaries.
Another factor is the Junta's poor response to HIV/AIDS (usually name as SLORC’s disease for when the country first open its door HIV/AID is the first to come in) epidemic and the nature of cross-border trade between China and Burma, public health experts and epidemiologists have tracked a vector of HIV/AIDS and other infectious diseases begins in Burma have sweeps into China's Yunnan province—home of China's highest HIV/AIDS infection rates—before spreading out into the rest of the country. On the other hand Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's visit to an HIV/AIDS clinic in Rangoon and her exhortation to do more for those suffering from Burma's epidemic will definitely also a benefit to China.
Now that China is has a potential to be the next super power, at least economically, (America’s biggest foreign creditor, holding $1tn of debt) where even the Vice President Joe Baden has to kow tow to the next generation of the men on the Dragon throne, that have a lot of brains will have to think twice for the continue support of the Junta’s accomplice. If the ethno democratic forces remain united they would really be an alternative to the Junta and definitely will get the support from the emerging economic powers of China, India and Japan. Hence it is high time for the ethnic nationalities (UNFC), Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s party and the clergies to be united in one voice.
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The Record - Leonia Lives: Couple starts Pre-Collegiate Program in Yangon, Myanmar
Friday, August 19, 2011 Last updated: Friday August 19, 2011, 1:23 AM
BY MELINDA ARANDA AND CARAL KARELS
SPECIAL TO LEONIA LIFE
Leonia Life
Jim Guyot is a professor of political science at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and in the School of Public Affairs at Bernard M. Baruch College, CUNY. He and his wife Dotty have lived in Leonia since 1969 and raised three children. In 2003, Jim and Dotty founded the Pre-Collegiate Program in Yangon, Myanmar (Burma) to help Myanmar high school graduates obtain full-ride scholarships to liberal arts colleges in the U.S., Canada, and Japan. The program identifies academically advanced students and works with them over the course of 18 months to acclimate them to the rigors of college. Since the program's inception more than 80 Myanmar students have gained admittance to college. Dotty spends a good portion of the year in Myanmar overseeing all aspects of the program; Jim joins her during semester breaks and summer vacation. While in Leonia, Jim can be found jogging through neighborhoods at dawn.
Q: How did you meet Dotty?
A: It was love at first sight for me, when I saw her in the Yale Library. We were both pursuing our PhDs there, hers in Southeast Asian studies, mine in Political Science. Later, when a friend introduced us, we were happy to discover we were both Midwesterners — Chicago and Michigan.
Q: How did you both get interested in Burma, the world's longest running military dictatorship now known as Myanmar?
A: In the sixties, Dottie was doing her field research in Burma and I went along as a Fulbright research student. My topic was the collapse of the civil service system after Burma achieved independence from Britain. In particular, why it collapsed there and not in neighboring Malaysia. We lived there for one-and-a-half years in 1961 and 1962. Our first child was born there.
Q: Do you speak Burmese?
A: Dotty studied Burmese at Yale and used it in her research. I speak a scattering for diplomatic purposes.
Q: Have you ever been afraid living in Burma?
A: It's a safe place for those with foreign passports.
Q: What is public affairs?
A: Whatever is not private business or religion: politics, policy making, not-for-profit organizations, government administration, higher education management. My thesis was on American bureaucrats in the public compared to the private sector.
Q: Why did you move to Leonia?
A: We both came to teach Political Science at Columbia University. Leonia was a faculty bedroom then, the Hyde Park of the New York metropolitan area, and was fifteen minutes closer to work than Teaneck, which was where we originally lived when we moved from California in 1968.
Q: Did your children attend Leonia schools?
A: All three of our children did, and we met many wonderful people in town through that connection. Dan learned Thai as an exchange student after high school and became an entomologist. Erik began his career as a human rights activist in Washington D.C. and our daughter Khin Khin is a teacher.
Q: As an educator, were you involved with Leonia schools?
A: I served one term on the Board of Education. Dotty and I also taught at the alternative high school in the 1970s. I taught about elections with Hans Spiegel; Dotty taught Asian cooking as an approach to Asian cultures.
Q: What do you do in your free time?
A: I enjoy pre-dawn running through Leonia. I've run in two beautiful marathons: Grandma's Marathon along the shores of Lake Superior, and the Marine Corps Marathon in Washington D.C., along the Potomac River.
Q: Do you have a favorite Leonia tradition?
A: Christmas caroling in our neighborhood with Ed and Virginia Brewer, and our kids, when they were younger. It was a tradition Dotty brought with her from Hyde Park, when she attended the University of Chicago.
Q: Is singing a hobby?
A: I used to sing in the Yale Russian Chorus. Last fall we sang at Duke University to celebrate the 80th birthday of the founding director of the chorus. Dotty and I also enjoy Balkan folk dancing. To me, the soul of a country is its music.
Q: What's your favorite vacation spot?
A: We spend much of our summer on Lake Superior, in northern Michigan, "by the shores of Gitchie Goumee,/by the shining Big-Sea-Water." We've been going there for years.
Q: Where would you still like to travel?
A: We've devoted so much of our lives to Southeast Asia, Burma in particular. I think a tour of Denmark or Vienna, for the contrast, would be nice.
Q: Did you have a famous Leonia neighbor?
A: Robert Ludlum. I'm still embarrassed to say I haven't read one of his books.
Q: What's the last good book you read?
A: Ian Morris' "Why the West Rules — For Now."
Q: Can you recommend a book to read on Burma?
A: "The River of Lost Footsteps," by Thant Myint Oo. It's a combination of history and memoir, published three years ago.
Q: What's your favorite bit of Leonia history or trivia?
A: That Leonia has the largest number of professional oboe players per capita in the world! That factoid came from our friend Virginia Brewer, who's one of them.
Q: Do you have a favorite cause?
A: The Burmese students we bring to the U.S. We are always looking for homes for them to stay in during the Christmas break.
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Myanmar and its neighbours
The Economist - The eye of the Buddha
How Myanmar is moving ever closer into China’s orbit
Aug 20th 2011 | from the print edition
FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT did not have much time for Burma or the Burmese. The sympathy he felt for Indian demands for independence from Britain did not extend to that other piece of the British Raj now known as Myanmar. In 1942 he wrote to Winston Churchill: “I wish you could put the whole bunch of them into a frying pan with a wall around it and let them stew in their own juice.”
In unforeseen ways, the American president largely got his wish. The military dictatorship under General Ne Win that seized power in Burma in 1962 erected a virtual wall around the country, sealing it off from almost all outside influence. The junta that succeeded him after nationwide protests in 1988 has tried to open up the country. Viewed from the West, its efforts seem vain. Despite a farcical election last year, Myanmar remains subject to Western economic sanctions and its leaders are still largely shunned by their American and European counterparts. The only Burmese politician widely known in the West is Aung San Suu Kyi, an opposition leader who has spent most of the past two decades in detention and whose party is now technically illegal.
Yet Thant Myint-U’s new book shows that it is an illusion to think of Myanmar, as many Westerners do, as small, politically isolated, and economically and geographically peripheral—or as he puts it, “a relatively minor missing link between China and India”. Myanmar is certainly not small. It has perhaps 60m people, and covers an area bigger than France. One of the many ethnic insurgencies strung along Myanmar’s borders, the United Wa State Army, has come to control a territory larger than Belgium.
Moreover, Mr Thant puts Myanmar at the centre of things—exactly midway between Delhi and Mumbai to the west and Shanghai and Hong Kong to the east. Before the generals transformed Rangoon (now Yangon) “from global entrepot to backwater village”, its airport was in British times a hub for all of Asia. Draw a circle around the central city of Mandalay with a radius of just over 700 miles (1,100km), he writes, and it stretches to the states of West Bengal and Bihar in India, to Yunnan and Sichuan provinces in China, as well as to Tibet, and south to cover most of Laos and Thailand (see map). The circle is home to some 600m people.
Mr Thant is an academic historian and the grandson of U Thant, secretary-general of the United Nations in the 1960s. He is controversial among Burmese exiles for advocating engagement with the regime. In 2007 he published the best general introduction to contemporary Myanmar, “The River of Lost Footsteps”, and his latest book adopts the same blend of personal reminiscence, history—enlivened with an eye for the telling anecdote—travelogue and polemic.
This time Mr Thant’s travels take him to Myanmar’s hill country, near the Chinese border, to the other side of the frontier, in Yunnan province, and to Assam and Manipur in north-east India, on Myanmar’s other flank. Some of the travelogue is rather dull, especially in China, where the traveller is linguistically hobbled and confined to well-trodden tourist paths. His contemporary insights add little to his accomplished retelling of history. He is a better analyst and historian than he is a travel writer.
But the book’s main analytical and polemical point is tellingly made: in the absence of a Western counterbalance, Myanmar is falling almost inexorably into the Chinese sphere of influence. There is an age-old dream of linking India and China through Burma. The Victorians even fantasised about a raised railway from Calcutta (now Kolkata), soaring above the jungle.
The dream is at last coming true, as the solution to China’s “Malacca dilemma”—its strategic worry about dependence on imported energy coming through the chokepoint of the Malacca Straits. A new port, oil and gas pipelines, and roads are already under construction, giving China for the first time direct access to the Bay of Bengal, and a new route for as much as 20% of its oil imports. Dams are springing up on Myanmar’s rivers, to generate hydropower to keep the lights burning in Yunnan.
So China’s and Myanmar’s rulers are becoming ever more dependent on each other. Efforts by India and South-East Asian countries to reduce that dependence seem forlorn, despite India’s historic, cultural and religious ties, and despite Myanmar’s membership of the Association of South-East Asian Nations.
The generals in mufti now running Myanmar are fiercely independent. They do not want to be China’s puppets. Indeed, the older ones spent their formative years fighting Chinese-backed communists. Yet the West, with its fastidious refusal to have any truck with them, seems to leave them little option but to cleave to China. As in his earlier book, Mr Thant justly argues against the self-defeating futility of Western sanctions on Myanmar. But it is hard for Western governments to lift them without Ms Suu Kyi’s backing. And it is hard for her to call for their lifting when so many of her supporters are behind bars, and when her sway over international opinion is the last lever she has over a repellent regime.
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HydroWorld.com - INDIA,MYANMAR : NHPC to develop hydropower projects in Myanmar
Tendersinfo News
August 18, 2011
National Hydroelectric Power Corporation Ltd. (NHPC) is set to develop Htamanthi and Shwezaye hydropower projects in Myanmar. According to NHPC, at present the company is making a detailed project report for these hydropower projects. Both Htamanthi and Shwezaye hydropower projects are situated on Chindwin River in Myanmar. At present, NHPC has 14 operational power stations with a total installed capacity of 5,295MW. In 2008, NHPC inked a deal with the Government of Myanmar to develop 1,200MW Htamanthi, or Tamanthi, and 600MW Shwezaye hydroelectric projects.
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The Irrawaddy - EDITORIAL: Let the Irrawaddy Flow
Friday, August 19, 2011
Today, The Irrawaddy would like to express its strong support for those who have stood up to protect our namesake, the Irrawaddy River. This includes environmentalists, activists and politicians such as pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, all of whom have given voice to growing concerns about the fate of this mighty river, which is now facing an
unprecedented threat in the form of ongoing dam projects in Kachin State.
The Irrawaddy River is Burma's lifeline, flowing through several of the country's main cities. For centuries, it has provided millions of people with food, water and a vital means of transport. It stretches 2,170 km (1,348 miles) from the snow-covered peaks of the Himalayas, through jungle-covered highlands and the sun-scorched plains of central Burma to the the country's agricultural heartland, where the waters of the Irrawaddy Delta spread out and flow into the the Andaman Sea.
Humans are not the only ones who depend upon this mighty waterway for their survival: It also supports an abundant variety of flora and fauna, including such endangered species as the Irrawaddy dolphin. However, due to the failure of successive governments to protect the river, it is no longer such a reliable source of life-giving water: In recent decades, it has become increasingly difficult to navigate during the dry season, and even adequate supplies of potable water are no longer easy to procure.
Experts say that the steady degradation of the Irrawaddy is a result of poor enforcement of conservation laws and a lack of ecological awareness on the part of local people and officials alike. But it is the government that clearly bears the greatest responsibility. Over the years, it has built numerous bridges across the river without due regard for location and design, while its cronies have undermined the river's watershed with rampant logging and pumped it full of pollutants from their mines and factories. Combined with the impact of global climate change, the sustainability of the river looks more uncertain with each passing year.
But dwarfing all of these concerns is a massive Chinese hydropower project in Kachin State that will construct a number of dams at or near the confluence of the Mali Hka and N’MaiHka rivers, the twin sources of the Irrawaddy. The main one is the 6,000-megawatt Myitsone dam, facilitated by the Burmese government and financed by China’s state-owned China Power Investment Corporation (CPI).
The project will take a huge social and environmental toll on the area, according to an environmental impact assessment obtained by the Thailand-based Burma Rivers Network. “The fragmentation of the Irrawaddy River by a series of dams will [cause] serious social and environmental problems not only upstream of dams but also very far downstream to the coastal area,” concluded the 945-page report, which was fully funded by CPI and conducted by a team of Burmese and Chinese scientists.
The study also recommends that a full social impact assessment be conducted along the full length of the river, but so far there are no signs that this will ever happen. Indeed, there has not even been an impact assessment for the 31 villages located in the area that will be flooded as part of the project. According to rights groups, the dam will create a reservoir the size of New York City and displace 10,000 people, submerging historic churches, temples, and cultural heritage sites that are central to ethnic Kachin identity and history.
Further raising the stakes is the fact that the site of the Myitsone dam is less than 100 km from a major fault line, meaning that basin inhabitants could see their homes literally wiped off the face of the earth should an earthquake weaken the dam structure or cause landslides in the reservoir.
Although the dam will generate an estimated $500 million in gross annual revenue for the Burmese government by providing electricity primarily for Chinese consumption, the losses it will entail and the risks it poses warrants a serious reevaluation of whether any of the supposed advantages of the project justify the enormous costs it will impose on Burma's people and environment.
A complete cost-benefit analysis must take numerous factors into consideration. For instance, while some claim that the dam could help to regulate Burma's most important waterway, others say that any diminishing of the Irrawaddy's flow could contribute to the intrusion of salt water into the delta, reducing the amount of arable land in the country's most fertile region.
While Burma's social, economic and environmental challenges remain daunting, it is an encouraging sign that the country’s new president, Thein Sein, recently acknowledged some of these problems for the first time.
Signaling an unusual receptivity to new ideas, he has even invited economists, businessmen and NGOs to attend an economic forum in Naypyidaw from Aug 19-21, where they will be asked to “work with us for common goals in the national interests.”
Among those expected to be in attendance is Aung San Suu Kyi, who recently added her voice to calls for a review of the Myitsone hydropower project. Although it is unclear if she will actually take part in the event, it would be an excellent opportunity for her to raise the issue with her hosts while she makes her first visit to the new Burmese capital.
Indeed, it would be a fitting tribute to the importance of the Irrawaddy River if it were to become the subject that finally helped to bridge Burma's political divide and put the country on the path to genuine national reconciliation. If, on the other hand, it becomes yet another point of contention, it will bode ill not only for the future of the river, but also for the country as a whole.
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The Irrawaddy - EDITORIAL: President Thein Sein, Release Those Prisoners
Thursday, August 18, 2011
Last week, the world marked the 50th anniversary of the creation of the Berlin Wall. For nearly three decades, until its destruction 22 years ago, this edifice stood as a potent symbol of a closed, oppressive society. That is why, in June 1987, then US President Ronald Reagan famously challenged his Soviet counterpart, Mikhail Gorbachev, to “tear down this wall”—to demonstrate that his talk of glasnost, or openness, really meant something.
Burma does not have a wall, and its borders are far too porous to prevent its people from leaving. Indeed, for decades, they have been fleeing by the millions, as economic migrants, war refugees and political exiles. Now, however, the country’s new quasi-civilian leader, President Thein Sein, an ex-general and former senior member of the military junta that ruled until just a few months ago, says he wants to reverse this trend to show the world that his “new” government is more open than the old.
On Wednesday, Thein Sein told a group of local business leaders in Naypyidaw that he would welcome the return of Burma’s exiled dissidents, adding that “leniency will be considered for those who have committed offenses.”
It is unlikely, however, that such an offer will entice many exiles back to Burma, not least of all because few feel any need for “leniency,” knowing that their only “offense” is holding views contrary to those of the country’s rulers. So in all probability, Thein Sein’s offer is no more than an empty gesture designed to placate those in the international community eager for signs of “change” that would make it easier to deal with the new regime.
But what if we were to assume for a moment that it is at least possible that Thein Sein is sincere? How could we know for certain that he is genuinely interested in encouraging exiles to return to Burma?
The most obvious step he could take, of course, would be to release the dissidents who are currently serving obscenely long sentences behind bars for the sort of “offenses” that forced most exiles to leave Burma in the first place. Indeed, anything short of this would be like inviting exiles to walk straight into the welcoming arms of their jailers.
It is easy enough to open a prison door and ask people to enter; but it is an entirely different story to throw those doors wide open and let the inmates they contain walk free.
Burma may not have a wall that is there for all the world to see, but it does have many walls that are hidden from sight. Within these walls are leaders like Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and many, many others. And as long as these walls remain, no exile—nor any other Burmese—can ever feel truly free living in their own country.
If Thein Sein wants the world to believe that Burma is ready to open up to the world, he knows what he has to do: tear down those walls, and release those prisoners.
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The Irrawaddy - Ethnic Armies Reject Piecemeal Peace Talks
By SAW YAN NAING Friday, August 19, 2011
Members of the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), an alliance of ethnic armed groups, have rejected an offer from the Burmese government to enter into one-on-one ceasefire talks, insisting that negotiations must take place between the regime and the UNFC.
The state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar reported on Thursday that that the government had offered an “olive branch” to the armed groups, encouraging them to contact their respective state or division governments as a first step toward meeting with a union government delegation.
However, leaders of the ethnic armed groups said they doubted the government offer was sincere because it denied a key demand that all of the groups take part in talks together.
“The government offer is contrary to our demand. We want peace talks to include all ethnic armed groups, but the government is only offering to to talk with each group separately,” said Maj Saw Hla Ngwe, the joint general secretary (1) of the Karen National Union (KNU), a member of the UNFC.
The UNFC was formed earlier this year, and includes most of the major ethnic armed groups in Burma: the KNU, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), the New Mon State Party (NMSP) and the Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP).
La Nan, the joint secretary of the KIO, said his group also rejected the government offer. “We have no plan to enter into separate talks with the government. We want nationwide negotiations that involve all ethnic armed groups.”
“We will only accept group talks led by the UNFC. Otherwise, we will only waste time and energy,” said NMSP Secretary Nai Hang Thar, who also occupies the same position in the UNFC.
Some ethnic observers suggested that the government offer was an attempt to isolate the ethnic armed groups, using the “divide and rule” tactics of the past.
After 1990, the government signed a series of ceasefire agreements with the KIO, NMSP and the United Wa State Army (UWSA), as well as with the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA), a KNU breakaway group, and the Shan State Army-North (SSA–North).
Since last year, however, many of these ceasefire agreements have broken down, and some former splinter groups have rejoined their parent organizations.
Maj Sai Lao Hseng, a spokesperson for the non-ceasefire Shan State Army-South (SSA-South), which has joined forces with the former SSA-North, said that another obstacle to talks is the government's demand that the ethnic armies give up their weapons.
“If we go in accordance with the government's offer, it means we will have to disarm. We don’t accept the offer. We aren't going to talk with them,” he said.
Khu Oo Reh, the secretary of the KNPP, said that hostilities continue in Karen, Kachin, Shan and Karenni states on an almost daily basis, despite the government's offer.
“The government needs to stop fighting with all ethnic armed groups before peace talks can begin,” he said, adding that this was the approach agreed to by all members of the UNFC.
According to the government figure, under an initiative by former junta spy chief Gen Khin Nyunt, the government held separate talks with many ethnic armed groups and signed individual ceasefire agreements with 17 groups after 1989.
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The Irrawaddy - Shan MP Accuses Burma Army of Rape, Abuses
By KO HTWE Friday, August 19, 2011
Human rights violations committed by Burmese government troops in Lecha Constituency in Southern Shan State have been documented and sent to the cabinet of the new government by Sai Maung Tin, a Lower House MP from Lecha Township.
In his letter, he addressed cases of rape, the looting of rice and livestock, and the interrogation, beating and murder of villagers by the Burmese army during its ongoing campaign against the State Army in July in Mong Su and Kyesee townships.
“Candidates from respective areas sent data to me containing complaints of abuses against local residents,” said Sai Maung Tin. “These cases are to be discussed in parliament. I have confirmed data to present if they question me.”
He urged the government to form a peace commission.
Among the complaints made to Sai Maung Tin by villagers is an accusation against Loilem-based Infantry Battalion (12) and Lecha-based Infantry Battalion (64) that their soldiers raped a Palaung woman and her 13-year-old daughter in Hai Par village in Koon Nim, and that a 50-year-old woman was raped then killed in Ta Sarm Poo village in Mong Su Township.
In addition, relatives of a 15-year-old Palaung girl in Nam Pu village in Kyethee Township said they were worried because she was arrested by government troops and has not returned home.
“I'm collecting the data and can confirm several cases of violations by government troops,” said a local member of the Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP).
Government troops reportedly destroyed rice mills in Nar Pe and Hai Par villages in Mong Shu Township, and also killed a villager who had an SNDP pamphlet in his hands.
On July 18, government troops allegedly destroyed a Buddhist monastery in Wan Mit village in Kyesee Township with a rocket attack. Observers believe some form of chemical weapon was used in the attack because seven monks and a novice were rendered unconscious for several days.
Since government troops launched attacks on the SSA in March, nearly 20 villagers from Mong Out in Mong Su Township have been forced to works as porters for the Burmese army, and at least three local trucks and motorcycles are commandeered by the Burmese army every day, reports say.
Sai Maung Tin's letter was sent at the end of July to President Thein Sein and to the country's two vice- presidents, as well as to all the State and Region ministers, Speaker of the Lower House Thura Shwe Mann, and the heads of 17 government ministries, including the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Home Affairs. No response has been received to date, according to Sai Maung Tin.
Recently, a Thailand-based NGO, the Shan Women's Action Network, released a report that highlighted over 30,000 displaced people and numerous cases of rape by Burmese soldiers in northern Shan State.
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Burmese gov’t still exercising an ethnic ‘divide and rule’ strategy
Friday, 19 August 2011 21:34 Phanida
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The Burmese government is holding fast to its policy of only engaging in cease-fire talks with ethnic armed groups individually.
The government is avoiding a discussion with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC), a broad-based ethnic coalition that is seeking to negotiate a countrywide cease-fire to be followed by talks on national reconciliation and peace.
Karen National Union Vice Chairman Pado David Tharkapaw told Mizzima on Thursday that the government’s recent order instructing cease-fire groups to negotiate individually with state or regional governments is simply its ongoing “divide and rule” tactic.
“We want to talk with them as an alliance group. Talking individually is the policy of the past government. But they are following this same path. It is also a tactic for buying time and to break up our unity,” he said.
However, he said that the ethnic armed groups are united and there are no differences or disagreements among them. The coalition will continue its fight for the emergence of a genuine federal union and national reconciliation, he said.
La Nan, the Joint Secretary of the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), said the government is following the same old policy of the Burmese socialist party led by former dictator General Ne Win. The current government also uses the term “armed insurrection,” he said, when what is at stake are issues of governance, more political autonomy and human rights. Differences cannot be settled through the use of arms, he said, but only through a political dialogue.
The UNFC sent a letter to President Thein Sein on August 17 calling for a political dialogue and a halt to all ongoing military offensives in ethnic areas. Copies of the letter were also sent to US President Barack Obama, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and ministers in China, Thailand, India, and the European Union.
General-Secretary Nai Han Thar of the New Mon State Party said it would only prolong ethnic problems if the government refuses to talk to the ethnic coalition group.
“If we could work together, talk together, the work could be completed soon. If they delay this, they will not benefit anyone,” Nai Han Thar told Mizzima.
The United Wa State Army (UWSAP) has not yet spoken out about the government’s position on separate cease-fire negotiations because it is awaiting a decision by their central committee, said UWSA spokesman Aung Myint. The UWSA is not a full UNFC member.
The UNFC was formed on February 17, 2011, with 12 cease-fire and non-cease-fire groups to work for the creation of a federal union. Among them, six are primary members and six are associate members.
The UWSA, KIO, New Mon State Party (NMSP), Shan State Army – North (SSA-N), and National Democratic Alliance Army (NDAA) or Mongla group had cease-fire agreements with the military regime, but they have regrouped as the UNFC after failing to achieve their right to self-determination.
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UN refugee official discusses Burma’s offer for citizens to return home
Friday, 19 August 2011 19:16 Tun Tun
New Delhi (Mizzima) – The chief of mission of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) of India said that all relevant factors and changes in conditions in a country of origin are important but they must be seen in an overall context when talking about sending refugees back home.
“The UNHCR follows very closely the political situations in all countries of origin of refugees, and we will continue to do so,” said Montserrat Feixas Vihe.
He told Mizzima that the UNHCR welcomed the Burmese president’s comments on Wednesday inviting Burmese living abroad to return home to help the country develop.
According to UNHCR reports, there are a total of 11,500 Burmese who are refugees or applying for refugee status in New Delhi.
“The UNHCR hopes that being a refugee is a temporary condition. Therefore, the UNHCR always welcomes positive development in countries of origin so that eventually refugees are able to go back home,” Vihe said.
He said the UNHCR considers voluntary repatriation as the best durable solution for refugees.
“If the situation in Burma evolves in such a way that makes return possible and the refugees are willing to return, the UNHCR will assist them to voluntarily repatriate as much as possible,” he said.
After President Thein Sein’s comments, Burmese refugees in camps along the Thai-Burmese border said they are worried that the Thai government will close the refugee camps, according to refugee sources.
Thein Sein said in a meeting with officials from economic and social organizations, “We will make a review to make sure that Burmese citizens living abroad can return home if they have not committed any crime, and if a Burmese citizen in a foreign country who committed a crime applies to return home, we will show our benevolent attitude in dealing with their case.”
One refugee said, “If the UNHCR repatriates us because of the government’s offer, we will live in border areas. It is impossible that we can go back.”
A Chin refugee in New Delhi told Mizzima. “If the UNHCR forcibly repatriates us, I will join up with an armed group in the border area. I cannot be arrested in Burma.”
Stevin Kap Tlutng, the chairman of the Chin Refugee Committee based in New Delhi, said, “I don’t want them [UNHCR of India] to repatriate us, but I can’t say that it won’t happen.”
Burmese refugees are also concerned that if the UNHCR trusts the Burmese government’s offer, it may stop accepting new refugees, and it could stop or delay sending Burmese refugees to resettlement countries.
“We’re worried that Thailand will close the refugee camps. All the refugees here are worried,” Myo Thant, a refugee in the Umpiem Mai refugee Camp in Thailand, told Mizzima.
There are nine Burmese refugee camps along the Thai-Burmese border: Baan Mai Nai Soi, Baan Mae Surin, Mae La Oon, Mae Ra Ma Luang, Mae La, Nu po, Umpiem, Baan Don Yang and Tham Hin; and one Shan refugee camp, Wieng Heng, in Chiang Mai District in northern Thailand.
In Mae La, the largest refugee camp, the Thailand- Burma Border Consortium provides relief to more than 50,000 refugees, and another 16,000 refugees at the Umpiem camp.
Burmese refugee organizations said that if the government really wants to make a positive change, it should first agree to a cease-fire with ethnic armed groups and release all political prisoners before inviting Burmese citizens abroad to return home.
Tha Kell, the vice chairman of the Mae La refugee camp, said, “The conditions in Burma have not improved. Inside Burma, revolutionists and other groups haven’t gotten what they want. Agreements have not been reached. The government’s problems with ethnic groups such as the Shan, Kachin and the KNU [Karen National Union] are not resolved.”
According to the UNHCR Web site, there are 62,015 internally displaced persons affected by the civil war in Burma, 415,670 Burmese refugees and 22,270 asylum seekers from Burma.
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Burma’s president is fan of actor Kyaw Thu: says shave the moustache, beard
Thursday, 18 August 2011 19:57 Kyaw Kha
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The Burmese president is a big fan of academy award winner Kyaw Thu who has been banned from appearing in Burmese films since his involvement in the 2007 Saffron Revolution. He has since devoted his life to charity work.
Thein Sein told Kyaw Thu’s wife, Shwe Zee Gwet, that the actor was his favourite film star when they met at a political, social and economic conference in Naypyitaw on Wednesday.
“The president said that Kyaw Thu was a handsome actor that he liked very much,” Shwe Zee Gwet told Mizzima.
A two-time academy award winner, Kyaw Thu along with the well-known comedian Zargana offered alms to protesting monks during the September 2007 uprising. Kyaw Thu was then barred from performing in films and other performing arts by the former military regime. Zarganar was convicted of violating the Electronics Act and sentenced to prison.
After being banned from public performances, Kyaw Thu grew a moustache and beard. President Thein Sein said that he would like to see the actor look as he appeared before without the beard and moustache.
“He asked me why this handsome actor that he liked so much is now adopting this look. He urged him to return to his previous look,” Shwe Zee Gwet said.
Kyaw Thu established the Free Funeral Service Association in 2001 and since then has devoted himself to charity work. He also opened the “Thukha” charity clinic to provide free medical treatment to the poor.
The actor said that if the Information Ministry lifted his work ban, he would like to film real life stories.
Kyaw Thu told Mizzima: “If I can film true stories, I'll do it but the censorship board and policy would have to change first otherwise I couldn’t do it.”
He said that he planned to devote his life to charity work, and he would keep his moustache and beard.
“I realize now the meaning of life. Inner mind is more important than outer appearance, and I won’t change my outer appearance anymore,” he said.
Kyaw Thu began his film career in the early 1980s. He won the best actor award for “Ta Pyi Thu Ma Shwe Htar” in 1994, and the best director award for “Amay Noe Phoe” in 2003. The film community said that he always tried to avoid appearing in government propaganda films.
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DVB News - Suu Kyi ‘relaxed’ after talks with president
By SHWE AUNG
Published: 19 August 2011
Burma’s opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi has met with the country’s president in the capital, Naypyidaw, the first time she has been granted an audience with Burma’s premier.
Little warning was given of the meeting, although officials from her National League for Democracy said that an invitation had arrived on Wednesday for the Nobel laureate to travel to Naypyidaw. It’s not clear whether the invite had explicitly referred to a meeting with Thein Sein, who became president in March this year.
Few details have yet been released about what the two discussed. Khun Thar Myint, a member of the National League for Democracy’s central executive committee, who traveled with Suu Kyi to the capital today, said only that the two appeared “relaxed” after the meeting.
“We don’t know what they discussed in the meeting but it seemed quite warm and causal, so maybe we can remain hopeful. I think Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will make a press release about the discussions in the meeting after she has informed our Central Executive Committee.”
The former Burmese junta, which ruled in various guises until handing power to a nominally civilian government this year, has spent decades attempting to sideline the 66-year-old.
Recent overtures to the political opposition are being seen by some observers as a sign that relations are thawing.
Ko Ko Hlaing, chief political adviser to the president, told AFP ahead of the talks this afternoon that, “It is an important step for national reconciliation. We should all work together”.
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DVB News - Shan children ‘used as human shields’
By NANG MYA NADI
Published: 19 August 2011
Children as young as 10 are being ordered to accompany Burmese army columns as they carry wounded troops through a volatile stretch of Shan state, locals report.
The township of Kehsi Mensi lies close to the frontline in the battle between Burmese troops and the Shan State Army in the central region of the state. Residents there told DVB that an infantry battalion went through villages in the township on Tuesday recruiting people to act as “human shields”.
“We were taken while working in the farm,” said one man, who requested anonymity due to likely retaliations from Burmese soldiers. “There were just 10 of us at the beginning but then they also took along people they saw along the way – making up about 30 people in total.
He said that they were forced to carry wounded soldiers and heavy packs for the seven mile walk between Kehsi Mensi town and Wanphwe village.
“Around the halfway point, while passing by a primary school in Naungka village, they picked up 11 children aged around 10 or 11. They were not provided with any meal so those who brought along food had to share with [the troops]. We were not allowed to take a peek at the wounded soldiers – they cursed us when we did.
“Some of the kids were unable to walk back to their village in the end so their parents had to go and pick them up on motorbikes.”
The Burmese army has been accused in the past of using civilians as porters and human minesweepers, but rarely have reports surfaced of children so young being forced to accompany troop columns.
Kehsi Mensi has seen heavy fighting since a 15-year ceasefire between the Burmese government and the northern faction of the Shan State Army (SSA) ended in March this year. Both sides have since accused one another of harming civilians.
The local said the recruitment of young children was an attempt to prevent SSA attacks on retreating Burmese forces, and added that local villagers are often forced to “contribute” themselves and their equipment to the army.
The army unit in question, battalion 143, was engaged in heavy fighting on 14 and 15 August close to Wanphwe village, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. Some 400 clashes are believed to have erupted since March this year.
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DVB News - At a critical juncture, Burma’s government needs a Plan B (Pt. 3)
By ANDREW MCKENNA
Published: 19 August 2011
On 27 June this year a Burmese delegation led by Shwe Mann, the speaker of the lower house of the Burmese parliament, landed in Moscow. They had a busy schedule: meetings with Russian Duma members, meetings with Russian military and foreign affairs luminaries to sign a weapons deal, and tours of the Kremlin. Only weeks before, a Russian deputy foreign minister, Aleksey Borodavkin, visited Naypyidaw to hammer down details of that weapons deal. This is not the first time Russia has gotten close to Burma, and it will not be the last.
This is the story of a secret and sustained partnership of convenience between two governments, each desperate to fulfill its aspirations. The Burmese military government wants legitimacy. Russia wants to be a serious world power once more.
There are superficial similarities that would ease the minds of both parties. The intimacy between business and government is extremely high in both countries; both are controlled by only one party; both have jailed dissidents; both rely on its military power to assert its will on separatist regions; both rely on the extraction of natural resources for its economic growth. But that’s where the similarities end.
Above all, Russia and Burma face different internal challenges. Essentially, Burma is trying to run out the clock, and Russia is racing against the clock. Burma is waiting for the elected administration to be accepted as legitimate, waiting for the sanctions to be lifted, and waiting for the aging Aung San Suu Kyi to die. Russia on the other hand is racing to milk its resource advantage for all its worth, racing to keep its military up to date, and racing to keep its demographic disaster from becoming an unmitigated catastrophe.
Perhaps cognisant of the differences between them or perhaps not willing to be seen as a new overt supporter of pariah states, Russia has been apprehensive in responding too openly to the Burmese government’s overtures. Aleksey Borodavkin, impresario of Russian political initiatives in the world’s pariah states, has been assigned to Moscow-Naypyidaw relations, as well as handling Russian initiatives in Pyongyang and Tehran. As well, Borodavkin’s portfolio includes exporting Russian nuclear technology.
Yet, while Russian Prime Minister Putin and Russian President Medvedev are conspicuously absent from meetings with Burmese officials, all signs point to Russia’s full cooperation with Burmese requests.
The military relationship between Russia and the Burmese regime extend back to 1963, immediately after Burma’s military coup in 1962, when the USSR supplied approximately three military helicopters. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Russia has ten recorded deals starting in 1995 to sell helicopters, fighter jets, short-range air to air missiles, beyond visual range air-to-air missiles and towed guns to the Burmese military. Three of those deals have been concluded in the past two years.
The recent spurt of activity between Naypyidaw and Moscow, in contrast to the EU’s and the US’s sanctions, is not restricted to just the conventional. In an overt act of support, Russia and China blocked a September 2007 US-sponsored UN Security Resolution to impose global arms sanctions against Burma amid then-ongoing violence against pro-democracy dissidents. Russia has also repeatedly issued statements saying the ongoing civil war with ethnic nationalists is an internal problem, was not a cause for concern over international security, and should be handled as an internal problem in 2007 and 2009.
In the 2009 statement of support, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs indicated that global sanctions designed to isolate Burma would be counterproductive, enhance the military’s xenophobic tendencies and not improve the poor economic standing of the Burmese.
In 2007, the Russian nuclear agency, Rosatom, announced plans to assist in the construction of a nuclear reactor in Burma; however, Rosatom distanced itself from the project following international pressure.
According to The Irrawaddy Magazine, three nuclear reactors were completed in March 2010, after work had begun in 2007. The Irrawaddy cited eyewitness accounts that claimed Asian-looking foreigners were seen entering the construction site in northern Mandalay division, sparking concerns of North Korean involvement.
Despite Russia’s official distancing from the nuclear reactors’ construction, Russia has not hesitated to offer opportunities for Burmese students to study nuclear physics in Russian universities. In addition to attracting students from the Defense Service Academy, the military’s finishing school, Russia also attracts civilians. In an interview with The Irrawaddy, one student on his way to Russia claimed, “There are lots of Burmese civilians who are just interested in physics.”
In addition to receiving an admonition to learn as much from the Russians as they could, one army deserter claimed soldiers were offered incentives to marry Russian women, with scientists as a particular target. The reasoning behind the incentives was not explained. Dr. Andrew Selth, an Australian expert on Burma, told The Irrawaddy that most Burmese students struggle to complete their coursework, despite their previous Russian language training.
Chinese investments in Burma may attract headlines, but Russian dealings also attract the interest of the Burmese military regime’s top associates.
Tay Za, owner of the Myanmar Avia Export company and a close associate of the Burmese military, is also believed to be the main liaison on all weapons deals between the Burmese military and the Russian government. Myanmar Avia Export has known ties with two Russian military hardware suppliers, and Tay Za was present on Shwe Mann’s June 2011 junket to Moscow.
In an interview with The Irrawaddy, Sean Turnell of Australia’s Macquarie University stated that the Russian-Burmese relationship will not deliver positive economic changes as most of the transactions have been off-record, and he further stated that Burma’s recent privatization of key industries have resulted in “parasitic” oligarchs similar to the results of Russia’s botched privatization processes of the early 1990s.
The partnership is not perfect. They do remain competitors in some fundamental aspects, particularly in the energy extraction field: while Burma is developing its natural gas blocks, its largest competitor is Russia, whose reserves equate to a quarter of the world’s total. But, as expounded in the previous two essays, Burma’s is uneasy about its relationship with China, and needs a Plan B – Russia is by no means the perfect match, but as Moscow eyes a greater security presence in Southeast Asia, and Burma looks to alternative world powers for political support, their relationship of convenience could develop into a strong alliance.
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DVB News - Thailand told to rein in human traffickers
By AFP
Published: 19 August 2011
Thailand must do more to combat widespread human trafficking for sexual and labour exploitation, including addressing “deeply-rooted” corruption, a UN envoy said on Friday.
“The implementation of policy and legal framework on human trafficking and the law enforcement are weak and fragmented,” said the United Nations special rapporteur on people trafficking Joy Ngozi Ezeilo.
At a press conference following her 11 day mission to Thailand, Ezeilo acknowledged that progress had been made, but she underlined the need for wide-ranging improvements in initial recommendations ahead of a 2012 report.
She said prosecutions of traffickers remain low, contributing to a culture of “impunity” for those who trade in people.
“Corruption, especially among low-cadre law enforcement officers at provincial and local levels, is deeply rooted,” she said.
“The government should promote zero tolerance to corruption and complicity of public officials with traffickers, and prosecute and adequately punish offenders to dissuade such practices.”
Ezeilo said the underlying causes of trafficking, especially demand for “cheap and exploitative” labour from neighbouring Burma, Laos and Cambodia, “are not being effectively addressed”.
She noted “widespread” sexual exploitation – including child prostitution, pornography and sex tourism – as well as new forms of trafficking for domestic labour, begging, forced marriage and surrogacy.
Forced labour is also growing in agriculture and construction and is “notoriously common” in the fishing industry.
Ezeilo called on Thailand to review its labour and migration laws, recognising the demand for cheap, low skilled labour and to provide “safe migration options” for those entering the country from abroad.
The US State Department has placed Thailand on its human trafficking watchlist for two years running, accusing it of not doing enough to combat trafficking.
It said conservative estimates suggest there are tens of thousands of victims sold into modern-day slavery in Thailand from neighbouring countries.
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Sunday, 21 August 2011
BURMA RELATED NEWS - AUGUST 19, 2011
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