Channel NewsAsia - UN envoy enters Myanmar for first time in more than a year
Posted: 21 August 2011 1614 hrs
NAYPYIDAW: A UN rights envoy arrived in Myanmar on Sunday for the first time in more than a year for talks with senior government officials, amid signs the regime is seeking to engage its critics.
Tomas Ojea Quintana, the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, was due to meet the foreign and home ministers in the capital Naypyidaw before attending parliament on Monday, officials said.
The envoy has been a vocal critic of Myanmar's rulers, enraging the generals after his last trip by suggesting that human rights violations in the country may amount to crimes against humanity and could warrant a UN inquiry.
The international community has called for a number of reforms in Myanmar including the release of around 2,000 political prisoners.
UN spokesman Aye Win in Yangon confirmed that Quintana had arrived in Myanmar on Sunday and would stay for five days.
He is scheduled to meet opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi in the former capital Yangon on Wednesday, a spokesman for her party said, in what would be the first talks between the Argentinian lawyer and the democracy icon.
Quintana last visited Myanmar in February 2010 but was not allowed to see Suu Kyi, who was under house arrest at the time. His subsequent requests to return had been rejected until now.
Quintana's latest visit comes after Suu Kyi met President Thein Sein in the capital on Friday for the first time, in the Nobel laureate's highest-level dialogue with the government since her release from detention.
An apparent thawing of relations with Suu Kyi saw the 66-year-old travel unhindered outside Yangon earlier this month on her first overtly political trip since being freed, addressing thousands of supporters.
In a statement ahead of his visit, Quintana said his mission "takes place in a somehow different political context, with a new government in place since April, following last year's elections, and my main objective is to assess the human rights situation from that perspective".
Suu Kyi's release by the junta after seven straight years of house arrest came just days after a November election that was marred by allegations of cheating and which was won by the military's political proxies.
A civilian administration is now nominally in charge of Myanmar but its ranks are dominated by former generals.
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UN News Centre - Ban welcomes talks between Myanmar’s President and opposition leader Suu Kyi
22 August 2011 – Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today he is encouraged by last week’s meeting between Myanmar’s President U Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi, with both figures voicing satisfaction with discussions aimed at finding common ground on issues that would benefit the country.
The United Nations chief expects that Friday’s meeting will be followed by further steps towards a sustained high-level dialogue focused on national reconciliation, according to a statement issued by his spokesperson.
“Whether these and other recent developments will move Myanmar forward depends on how all parties choose to work with each other,” said the statement. “It is in the national interest that they seize the opportunity to extend and accept conciliatory gestures to achieve durable peace and unity.”
The Secretary-General reiterated his call for the release of all political prisoners as a matter of priority to give an opportunity to all citizens of Myanmar to contribute to the promotion of national reconciliation and democratic transition.
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Myanmar's president calls for easing tensions
Associated Press, 08.22.11, 10:33 AM EDT
NAYPYITAW, Myanmar (AP) -- Myanmar's new president told Parliament on Monday that his government is trying to ease tensions with opposition parties and seek better relations with the country's numerous ethnic groups.
In his first speech to Parliament, President Thein Sein did not mention that he had met on Friday with pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who was released from seven years of house arrest in November. Suu Kyi told reporters that she was "happy and satisfied" with the talks.
Thein Sein, who served as prime minister under the previous military junta, is considered a moderate compared to previous leaders. He took power in March following elections in November that critics said were designed to create a nominally civilian government controlled by the military.
Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party boycotted the elections, saying they were undemocratic.
Thein Sein said his government is trying to "ease the tension" with political groups who "still do not accept the country's constitution."
That charter, which gives the military a continued prominent role in government, was approved in a 2008 referendum and came into effect in January this year.
Monday’s Parliamentary session was only the second in more than 20 years and the first journalists were allowed to attend since the 1980s.
The government elected in November is dominated by military officers. It took power from a military junta last March.
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Myanmar's Suu Kyi 'happy' after meeting president
(AP) August 19, 2011.
NAYPYITAW, Myanmar (AP) — Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi said Saturday she was pleased with her first meeting with the military-dominated country's new president. It was her highest contact with the new government since her release from house arrest last November.
The Nobel Peace Prize laureate told reporters she was "happy and satisfied" with the meeting Friday. She spoke after attending a government-sponsored forum in the capital, Naypyitaw.
The government's invitation to Suu Kyi has generated optimism that the nominally civilian government of President Thein Sein is willing to hold a dialogue with the opposition. Suu Kyi has repeatedly called for talks since her release from seven years of house arrest.
"I hope and believe there will be better understanding" with the government, Suu Kyi spokesman Nyan Win told The Associated Press on Saturday.
Officials warmly greeted Suu Kyi on Saturday at the government-run forum, where she chatted with several over coffee. It was in a stark contrast with the 15 of the past 22 years she has spent under house arrest. During her last seven-year stretch she lived with two female members of her National League for Democracy party and rarely was allowed to see anyone else.
Suu Kyi was driven home to Yangon in a government car after attending the forum.
In their meeting Friday, Suu Kyi and Thein Sein held "frank and friendly discussions" to "find ways and means of cooperation," state-run newspapers reported Saturday with pictures of them greeting each other.
In Brussels, the European Union welcomed the meeting as a "positive first step."
"National reconcilliation is very important for all the people of Burma/Myanmar," said Michael Mann, spokesman for EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton. "We very much hope this meeting bears fruit in the longer term."
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Myanmar rebels reject peace call
Published: Aug. 22, 2011 at 6:20 AM
YANGON, Myanmar, Aug. 22 (UPI) -- Myanmar's ethnic armed groups have rejected the government's call to enter individual peace talks as a divide-and-rule tactic, an expatriate newspaper reported.
The government newspaper New Light of Myanmar said the offer of peace talks is an "olive branch" to rebel groups fighting for more regional autonomy. The article urged the leadership of each group to contact the local or state government with a view to starting negotiations.
But members of the United Nationalities Federal Council, an umbrella organization of the rebel groups, said negotiations must take place between the regime and the UNFC, the Irrawaddy news Web site said.
"The government offer is contrary to our demand," Maj. Saw Hla Ngwe, a senior leader of the Karen National Union, said. "We want peace talks to include all ethnic armed groups, but the government is only offering to to talk with each group separately."
The UNFC, formed this year, includes the other main ethnic armed groups -- the Kachin Independence Organization, the New Mon State Party and the Karenni National Progressive Party.
La Nan, a leader of the Kachin Independence Organization, said negotiations must involve all ethnic armed groups.
Nai Hang Thar, a senior figure in the New Mon State Party and secretary of the UNFC, said only group talks are acceptable, "Otherwise, we will only waste time and energy."
For around 20 years the government and several rebel groups have had ad hoc cease-fires that amount to a modus vivendi in some areas but which, from time to time, break down in sporadic armed conflicts near remote rural towns.
However, part of the government's latest offer is dependent on the armed groups handing in weapons, which is unacceptable to many rebel leaders.
"If we go in accordance with the government's offer, it means we will have to disarm. We don't accept the offer. We aren't going to talk with them," said Maj. Sai Lao Hseng, a spokesman for the Shan State Army-South, which never had a cease-fire arrangement.
The latest attempt by the government to quell regional armed resistance to its central rule comes at the same time as overtures to political dissident Aung San Suu Kyi.
Suu Kyi, who spent much of the past 20 years in detention, met with one of Myanmar's former senior junta leaders, President Thein Sein, in the presidential palace in Naypyitaw.
She was attending an economic forum and Myanmar media carried many pictures of her smiling with senior ministers and Sein.
The high-level meeting between Suu Kyi and Sein came a week after she met with Labor Minister U Aung Kyi to examine ways to improve the country's economy.
Critics said the meetings are an attempt to gain international legitimacy for a government elected in February but which is heavily weighted in favor of the military.
Sein led the Union Solidarity and Development Party in the general election. It comprised mainly retired military officers who resigned their posts to join the party and run as civilians.
Not unexpectedly, the USDP won a huge majority in the general elections.
Also, one-quarter of seats in Parliament were reserved for military appointments.
Absent from the election held in November was Suu Kyi, winner of the last national elections in 1990 and the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize. Her National League for Democracy party, which won the 1990 contest, didn't register as a political party because Suu Kyi remained under house arrest.
Myanmar's armed rebel groups urged people to boycott the election.
In November, during voting, clashes between the army and rebels in Karen state left several dozen people dead and sent thousands fleeing into Thailand, independent Myanmar sources said at the time.
Displaced people number in the thousands in Myanmar's more remote areas, aid and relief agencies say.
Kachin state's refugees who are camped along parts of Myanmar's border with China will soon suffer food shortages because the government allegedly blocks food aid, an Irrawaddy report said.
The Kachin Women's Association of Thailand estimates the number of refugees at the border, including in the city of Laiza, is around 20,000. More than 3,000 have taken refuge in the Kachin capital Myitkyina and the nearby town of Waimaw.
Non-government organizations and relief agencies such as World Food Program and the International Committee for the Red Cross are prohibited from supplying aid to the Kachin refugees, a KWAT report said.
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Asian Correspondent - Burma needs genuine political change
By Zin Linn Aug 22, 2011 11:47PM UTC
Burma’s military-backed President Thein Sein had an hour-long meeting with the country’s democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi on 19 August. It is one of a number of symbols the current government has showed its stance likely to start reform.
But the meetings with Suu Kyi, a visa allowance to the United Nations’ human rights envoy, a statement of calling peace deals with rebellious ethnic armed-groups and correction of disgraced slogans against international media seemed to be good signs.
However, the Thein Sein government turns a deaf ear to calling for release of political prisoners. Besides, the government repeatedly declaring National League for Democracy led by Suu Kyi as unlawful party.
In addition, Thein Sein government does not candidly offer peace talk towards ethnic groups. The government has constantly offered the bi-lateral talk policy to ethnic armed groups. Government’s deal of talk fixed one ethnic group at a time which has proved no achievement addressing political problems in the past six decades.
For instance, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) has rejected an offer of new peace talks from the Burmese government, according to a statement released on August 18.
The government’s offer was rejected because it did not include country-wide political dialogue but only talks with each individual ethnic armed group, quoting Salang Kaba Lar Nan, Joint General Secretary-2 of the KIO, Kachin News Group said.
According to Lar Nan, the peace offer statement lacks political dialogue. The government forces the ethnic groups to talk under the rule of the military-centered 2008 Constitution. As the ethnic armed groups did not agree the 2008 Constitution, the government peace offer seems to be empty.
The KIO has experienced bi-lateral talk with the Burmese Socialist Programme Party, State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), and State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Every round of talks failed, Lar Nan said.
Until now, peace negotiations have failed because the KIO desires to solve the country’s political problems based on the 1947 Panglong Agreement but the government is intent on negotiations based on the 2008 constitution.
On August 12, Kyan Hsan, Information Minister of the Thein Sein government, led the first press conference in Naypyitaw. During the press panel, Kyaw Hsan urged the NLD to reregister as a party if they wished to take part in the affairs of state. His actually meaning is pressuring the NLD and Suu Kyi to accept the constitution. Currently, the NLD refuses to work under the 2008 constitution which has been disregarded by most ethnic armed groups including Kachin, Shan and Karen.
Most of political prisoners in various prisons throughout Burma also do not agree with the military-made constitution. It is clear that the problem of the 2008 constitution is the toughest subject to talk about between the President Thein Sein government and the opposition parties including ethnic rebels and Aung San Suu Kyi’s NLD.
Then, what is the meaning of the government’s moves? Its current moves – meetings with Suu Kyi, meeting with the United Nations’ human rights envoy and a statement of calling peace deals with rebellious ethnic armed-groups – are not likely meant for real political change.
Many observers believe that the Burmese government has been trying to gain the ASEAN chair before it started political reforms. So, current moves of the government aim to achieve ASEAN chairmanship without freeing prisoners of conscience.
The ASEAN leaders may count meeting with Suu Kyi as a positive sign. But, ASEAN should not consider such a hollow move as a positive and the association has to recognize that there are 2,000 political prisoners in Burma’s jails. Besides, the key question of civil-war with ethnic groups is still in a deadlock position.
The National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi released a statement dated June 20 calling both government and KIO to stop heavy fighting immediately in order to protect people’s lives and properties.
The said statement also called for peaceful talks between stakeholders to settle down the decades long political crisis of the country.
Unless there is genuine improvement toward political change initiated by the government, such as releasing of around 2,000 political prisoners and genuine talks with all political stakeholders including Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), Burma’s six-decade long political stalemate will not be addressed easily.
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August 22, 2011
VOA News - Burmese Government Reaches Out to Critics
Ron Corben | Bangkok
Burma’s opposition leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, says she had a positive first meeting last week with President Thein Sein. The meeting is one of several initiatives the Burmese government is undertaking to reach out to its critics. While the international community has welcomed the outreach, there is skepticism over whether the government will follow-up with substantive action.
Aung San Suu Kyi debriefing
Aung San Suu Kyi met with supporters of the National League for Democracy to discuss her talks with officials in the capital, Naypyidaw.
While Suu Kyi released few substantive details about her conversations, she said her meeting with the president was an opportunity for both to put aside their differences for the sake of the common interests of the Burmese people.
She said the two had positive discussions that were candid and frank. Burmese state media said both sides had sought to find common ground to cooperate.
But human-rights advocates in Thailand remain skeptical. Bo Kyi, the joint secretary for the prisoner advocacy group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), says a key sign to progress would be the release of what human-rights groups estimate are 2,000 political prisoners.
“Just only a meeting," said Bo Kyi, "is not enough; I did not see any sign for the release of all political prisoners, and human-rights violations is still widespread, and of course human-rights violations are all across Burma.”
Analysts say the talks mark a key step towards reconciliation between pro-democracy supporters of Aung San Suu Kyi and the military backed government. The new, nominally civilian, government was elected last year in a vote that outside nations have called a sham aimed at keeping the military in power.
Human rights
The spokesperson for rights group Alternative ASEAN Network, Debbie Stothard, says the government hopes to gain international support in its bid to host Association of South East Asian Nations meetings in 2014 and to ease economic sanctions over its human-rights record.
“The regime has been on a high-gear charm offensive because they want to prevent the United Nations from starting a commission into war crimes and crimes against humanity in Burma," she said. "They want to secure the chair of ASEAN for 2014 and they are working very hard to remove economic sanctions.”
ASEAN members have pressed the United States and Europe to lift economic sanctions against Burma, saying the country was making progress in political reforms during the past year.
Part of the effort to assess the new government’s progress on political reforms and human-rights issues is occurring this week, with the five-day visit of U.N. human-rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana. This is the first time in 18 months the government has granted him permission to visit.
He is to meet with government officials, as well as Aung San Suu Kyi.
Prisoner-rights advocate Bo Kyi says Quintana should call for several changes to improve the human-rights situation in Burma, including an independent judiciary.
Independent judiciary
“It is very difficult to see the positive changes of the Quintana visit. What he can do is to make a suggestion to the Burmese military regime to do something," said Bo Kyi. "If the Burmese government follows his recommendation we can see something positive - especially Mr. Quintana will make his suggestion to the Burmese regime to release all political prisoners to change the judiciary system because there is no independent judiciary system in Burma.”
Quintana is expected to discuss his preliminary observations at a news conference Thursday in Rangoon.
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Vancouver Sun - Opinion: Pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi meets Burma’s president, but reform remains a dream
By JONATHAN MANTHORPE, Vancouver Sun August 21, 2011
Friday’s hour-long meeting between the leader of Burma’s outlawed pro-democracy movement, Aung San Suu Kyi, and the country’s new president, Thein Sein, is one of a number of signs the 50-year-old military regime is giving that it is ready to reform.
But moves such as the meeting with Suu Kyi, an invitation to the United Nations’ human rights envoy, offers of peace deals with insurgent ethnic minority groups and anending of diatribes against international media, as welcome as they may be, are only signs.
The regime, now dominated by retired generals wearing civilian clothes since carefully orchestrated elections last year, has yet to make any substantial moves toward political or human-rights reform.
Until and unless there is real progress toward reform by the regime, such as with the release of the over 2,000 political prisoners and genuine negotiations with Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD), it is wise to be cynical.
The generals’ track record warns that they are probably only engaged in a public relations exercise aimed at persuading the international community to loosen economic sanctions and the leaders of the Association of South East Asian Nations to drop their objections to Burma assuming the rotating chair of the organization in 2014.
But there are some, including members of Burma’s opposition parties, who are optimistic that the country is now on a positive trajectory.
Part of this optimism is based on readings of the character of President Thein Sein, a former general and prime minister under the military regime, who took power in March.
He is widely regarded as more open-minded and less corrupt than most members of the military-in-mufti that rules the country.
And Thein Sein is showing he has the self-confidence to deal with Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate and daughter of Burma’s liberation hero, Aung San.
Previous regime leaders were so scared of her huge public popularity they kept her locked up in prison or under house arrest for 15 of the last 22 years.
The more superstitious of the generals did not even dare to speak her name and called her only “the lady.”
There is no real reason to believe, however, that Thein Sein is prepared to reform or demolish the generals’ carefully constructed fantasy that Burma is no longer a military regime and is now under civilianrule.
The mock civilian constitution introduced last year and the sham elections held in November should be warning enough.
A quarter of the seats in parliament are allocated to the military, which also controls the key ministries and has a veto over legislation. The president — in reality a military appointee — can dissolve parliament at will.
The last time real elections were held in Burma, in 1990, Suu Kyi’s NLD won 85 per cent of the seats.
The junta refused to acknowledge the outcome and in last year’s elections made sure there would be no repetition.
Suu Kyi was banned from running because she had been married to a foreigner and a purposefully tailored constitutional provision thus made her ineligible.
When the NLD decided to boycott the election in protest, it was outlawed and ordered disbanded.
While the generals have not fooled many people into thinking that their play acting has produced a representative and accountable civilian government, they may have convinced themselves.
Since her release from house arrest last November, Suu Kyi has been allowed to hold political meetings and rallies, which have gone off withoutincident.
The last time she tried to campaign during a brief period of freedom about 100 of her supporters were killed by government thugs.
Suu Kyi has also had two meetings with the labour minister, Aung Kyi (no relation), after which they issued a joint statement pledging to cooperate on economic and social affairs.
This led to Friday’s meeting between Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein at the military’s new purpose-built capital, Naypyidaw.
After the meeting, government spokesmen talked gushingly with the media about “reconciliation” and “cooperation.”
But Suu Kyi is made of strong stuff and is not easily bamboozled.
She doubtless feels an obligation to test the waters with this revamped regime to see if there is any genuine willingness to reform.
But anyone who has met and talked with Suu Kyi will attest that she will never allow herself to be used as window dressing if there is no substance behind the generals’ smiles.
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Phayul - Tibetans train Burmese refugees
Sunday, August 21, 2011 23:39
DHARAMSHALA, August 21: In a first of its kind training on democracy and organising mock elections, Tibetan women activists from Dharamshala visited various Burmese refugee camps in Thailand to conduct a two-week long training.
At the invitation of the East Asia Burma Office of “Democracy Promotion Fund for Burma and Tibet,” Samten Chodon, vice president and Nyima Lhamo, program coordinator of Empowerment through Action of the Daharamshala based Tibetan Women’s Association (TWA) led the training on ‘Mechanisms to organise a Mass Mock Election in Burma’ from August 2 - 14.
TWA had in July last year carried out a mass mock election in the Tibetan exile community, ahead of the general elections for the 15th Tibetan Parliament-in-exile and the third Kalon Tripa.
In a release Friday, TWA said that the Burmese refugee activists working for the revival of democracy in Burma, currently reeling under the military Junta, were hopeful of conducting similar mock elections in Burma following the training.
Noting the ongoing struggle for democracy in Burma, Samten Chodon said that the Burmese movement for restoring peace led by Daw Aung Sang Sui Kyi was effective in highlighting the oppression and hardships faced by the Burmese people.
“We feel Tibetan democracy is a gifted one, and are happy to share our gift with the people of Burma through this training,” Chodon said.
The TWA representatives also conducted a special training on ‘Women and Democracy’ for members of the Women’s League of Burma in Chiang Mai, Thailand’s second largest city.
Disturbed by the growing repression on the movement of Tibetan refugees escaping through Nepal, the Burmese offered their support for the plight of the escaping Tibetan refugees.
“With the heightened repression of Tibetans in Nepal, if Burma became a free state and if meaningful democracy is restored in Burma, then this could also create another route for Tibetans to escape into exile, even if it meant to escape secretly,” said Rev. Katsuyuki Imoto, Chairperson of the East Asia Burma Office said.
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New Kerala - Myanmar seeks more foreign investment in hotel sector
Yangon, Aug 21 : Myanmar is seeking more foreign investments in the hotel sector to promote its tourism industry, the government said Sunday.
Over $655 million have been injected in 21 completed hotels with 3,905 rooms and $285 million in four ongoing projects with 1,385 rooms, the hotels and tourism ministry said.
Of the foreign-invested hotel projects, Singapore led with $593.531 million, followed by Thailand $202.5 million, Japan $68.75 mn, Hong Kong $77 million and Malaysia $5 million, Xinhua reported.
The hotels included Yangon's Sedona Hotel, Strand Hotel, Traders Hotel and Park Royal Hotel, among others, as well as Mandalay's Sedona Hotel, Mandalay Hill Resort Hotel, Mandalay Swan Hotel and Thiri Pyitsayar Sakura Hotel.
The ministry said there are over 700 hotels and inns and about 700 tourism companies operating with over 4,000 multi-language speaking tourist guides across the country.
The number of tourist arrivals in Myanmar reached over 140,000 in the first four months of 2011, compared to 109,000 in the corresponding period last year.
Visitors from China topped the list, followed by Germany, Spain, Norway, Thailand, Cambodia and India.
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Straits Times - Myanmar couple on work permits wed though they'll live apart
Published on Aug 22, 2011
By Janice Tai
Unlike typical newlyweds, Mr Myint Zaw Htoo and Ms Ei Ei Mon will not be leaving for a honeymoon. Neither are they planning to have children or even to live together any time soon.
This is because as a maid, Ms Ei, 25, is required to stay with her employer and is not allowed to get pregnant during her two-year contract.
Her 34-year-old technician husband, who lives in a rented HDB flat, has also just started studying part-time for a diploma in electrical engineering at the Institute of Technical Education College West.
Both are work permit holders from Myanmar.
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ASIAONE - Myanmar regime offers olive branch to opponents
AFP Sunday, Aug 21, 2011
BANGKOK - Myanmar is seeking to shed its pariah image by reaching out to democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi and other critics, analysts say, but more concrete reforms from the new regime remain elusive.
The opposition leader was invited to the remote capital for her first talks with President Thein Sein on Friday, in the latest move by the nominally civilian administration to foster warmer ties with its most famous opponent.
Few details have emerged of the one-hour meeting between the Nobel laureate and former general, but experts said it represented a major step for the government, which took power after a controversial election last November.
The new rulers - many of whom shed their military uniforms to contest the vote - want to show that "they are in charge, rather than the army", said Aung Naing Oo, a Thailand-based analyst at the Vahu Development Institute.
"They want to be seen doing something good for the country, and above all, that they are a civilian government," he said.
Overtures towards Suu Kyi, which apparently even took the dissident by surprise, were "extremely important" for reconciliation, no matter what the underlying motivation, he added.
Suu Kyi was released from seven straight years of house arrest just days after the November elections in Myanmar, also known as Burma. The polls, marred by cheating and the absence of Suu Kyi's party, were criticised by Western governments as a sham.
The government told Suu Kyi in June to stay out of politics and warned that her plans for a national political tour could spark chaos and riots, but it has since softened its stance.
Recent weeks have seen her hold two rounds of talks with the labour minister in Yangon, meet the president at his office in the jungle capital and address thousands of supporters on an overtly political day trip outside Yangon.
The authorities have also encouraged Suu Kyi to legally register her National League for Democracy, which was officially dissolved last year for boycotting the election and left with no voice in the new parliament.
The party won a 1990 vote but was never allowed by the junta to take power.
The new government has also called for peace talks with ethnic rebels and is allowing UN rights envoy Tomas Ojea Quintana to visit this week for the first time in more than a year for talks with senior government officials.
While there have been recent improvements in the regime's dealings with the opposition and other actors, it is too early to say whether it is "a fresh start or empty gestures", said US-based Myanmar academic Win Min.
He said Myanmar's new leadership is prepared to "tolerate certain activities of the opposition and cooperate with them on development is sues to get more regional and international acceptance".
Western nations that impose sanctions on Myanmar have called for a number of reforms including the release of around 2,000 political prisoners and an end to rights abuses, particularly against ethnic minorities.
Thein Sein's government has set its sights on being allowed to hold the chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014 - a year before the country's next scheduled election.
The military's political proxies - who claimed an overwhelming victory in last year's poll - want the prestige of the ASEAN role before holding the next vote, said a Myanmar expert who asked not to be named.
But for a country dominated by authoritarian army rule for nearly half a century, deeper reforms like political freedom and an end to long-running conflicts with ethnic rebel groups could take much longer, he said.
"We should be very careful in imagining that the reform of a country like Burma will happen overnight but it is moving in the right direction faster than one could have imagined," the expert said.
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Creamer Media's Mining Weekly - Platinum laureates coin set of Nobel Peace Prize recipients launched
19th August 2011
The South African Gold Coin Exchange (SAGCE) has launched a Laureates set to honour anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela and Burmese prodemocracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
The 1/2 oz Mandela laureate coin is madeof platinum and the 1 oz Suu Kyi coin of silver.
SAGCE executive chairperson Alan Demby says it is fitting that the Laureates set comprises two of the three precious metals, which are gold, silver and platinum, as South Africa accounts for 80% of the world’s platinum production.
Mandela and Suu Kyi received the Nobel Peace Prize for their nonviolent struggle for democracy in their respective countries, in 1993 and 1991, respectively.
The SAGCE reports that Suu Kyi symbolises the freedom struggle of Burma’s people. Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, who is also the chairperson of a global group of leaders named The Elders, described Suu Kyi as Burma’s Mandela, in 2009.
Further, the company reports that Burma, which has a population of 47-million people is ruled by fear, by a brutal dictatorship and a military machine of 400 000 soldiers who deny a whole nation its basic rights.
Meanwhile, Suu Kyi’s campaign for democracy led to her arrest in 1996, and subsequent detention for 14 years. She was the world’s only imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize recipient until she was released in November last year. Hundreds of her supporters are reportedly still detained.
The Laureates set will be sold at R19 500 at the SAGCE’s 25 countrywide Scoin shops. The mintage has been limited to 2 011 sets.
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Aug 23, 2011
COMMENT
Asia Times Online - A fool's paradise
By David Scott Mathieson
CHIANG MAI - It's a standard academic sleight of hand to win an argument by misrepresenting your opponents position. Professor David Steinberg applies this maneuver in his recent piece on Myanmar A foolish consistency (Asia Times Online, August 13, 2011). Steinberg borrows a famous quote from Ralph Waldo Emerson, who wrote in Self Reliance that "a foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines," yet never admits to his own propensity for foolish consistency.
Far from presenting two sides to a complex debate on strategies of international engagement with Myanmar, the author misleads readers with polemical critiques. Steinberg contends that calls for increased United States sanctions and the formation of a United Nations-led Commission of Inquiry into allegations of widespread human-rights violations in Myanmar are designed to derail the promise of reforms emanating from the new government elected in November 2010, or more precisely, the March 30 inaugural speech by the new president Thein Sein.
Steinberg grudgingly concedes that "major human-rights violations [in Myanmar] ... are apparent." He then portrays the calls for their cessation and the push for an investigation as a "Western policy orthodoxy". He argues that calls for enhanced sanctions measures and a UN formed Commission of Inquiry are "confrontational approaches" that seek to further isolate the new government.
He suggests that "(c)onspiratorial theorists" are using these measures to thwart the possibility of reform, in order to provoke more "chaos" and depravation and a violent overthrow of military rule, which will ensure the transfer to a civilian government, ideally the National League for Democracy (NLD) which the West has long supported. However, nowhere does Steinberg name groups or individuals who harbor such an apocalyptic and fantastical approach.
Steinberg has reversed the orthodoxy, and cast himself as the lone voice of rationality. If anything, the prevailing Western policy view on post-election Myanmar is one of guarded trust, or resigned optimism, that the new government will gradually reform crucial sectors such as agriculture, social services, and tackle systemic corruption. Western engagement has increased in the past several years, including through high-level diplomatic visits, increased humanitarian assistance, and as Steinberg concedes, by a more conciliatory approach by the US.
Yet what he fails to admit is that many Western governments publicly state that their efforts have been largely rebuffed, or postponed, by Myanmar authorities. Kurt Campbell, the Under Secretary of state for East Asia and the Pacific, has publicly expressed his frustration at the lack of reciprocity by the Myanmar government to Washington's change of approach.
The appointment of Derek Mitchell as the first US policy envoy on Myanmar is a welcome, if long overdue, action, but he faces enormous hurdles in improving relations with the new government. Steinberg blames the West and their "confrontational" approaches for continuing vexed relations with the Myanmar military, but he rarely concedes that the generals' intransigence is more to blame for the impasse.
Steinberg has long delved into the speculative art of Myanmar political analysis, yet his work rarely engages the broad body of documentation on human-rights violations or acknowledges that human rights promotion is a form of engagement with Myanmar authorities. This is a debilitating flaw in his policy formulations, as he looks only for positive signs of change, regardless of how small or ephemeral.
Strengthen, don't scrap, sanctions
Steinberg has long opposed US sanctions, and he is right in arguing that they haven't achieved the desired result which is an end to abuses and the genuine transition to a democratic civilian government. Where he undermines his position is by claiming that they can't, and never will, work.
He never acknowledges that the sanctions regimes imposed by the US, European Union, Australia, Canada, Switzerland and Norway, have been haphazardly applied, hardly coordinated, and hesitant to target the real sources of Myanmar military financial power. They haven't worked because they haven't been tried properly.
For example, the national budget (announced before the new government took office in March) continues to neglect health and education sectors - they receive only 1.3% and 4.5% of the budget respectively. Yet over the past several years, the military government squirreled away more than US$5 billion in natural gas revenues in offshore banks. If more sanctioning countries targeted the Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise (MOGE), they could potentially spark a debate inside Myanmar about fiscal responsibility and meeting the basic needs of the impoverished population. But this addition was never contemplated because of European and American energy companies operating in Myanmar.
Sanctions imposed over the past 15 years need to be rethought, not just to make them more effective, but to reflect changes in the Myanmar economy and the military's control of key sectors. The system of military monopolies through their holding companies has markedly declined in the past decade, and the economy is now controlled by a rising class of oligarchs who benefit from close ties to senior military officers, either for awarding contracts, accessing lucrative natural resources, or acting as middlemen for foreign arms purchases.
One of the major tycoons involved as a middleman in bilateral Myanmar and Chinese investment is Steven Law, head of the Asia World Company, whom the George W Bush administration placed on its targeted sanctions list for Myanmar, and has long been on US counter-narcotics lists.
Is Steinberg suggesting that individuals such as Law should not be subject to financial restrictions, despite abundant evidence of drug trafficking and funding military projects? Observers such as Steinberg laud Thein Sein's speech for his reference to "clean government" and tackling corruption, but he refrains from pointing out what everyone in Myanmar knows: pervasive corruption benefits the military and their business cronies.
Instead of summarily dismissing sanctions, Steinberg might want to critique their efficacy, which would prove valuable in the debate of how they are imposed. Instead, he just says they drive the Myanmar military further into isolation. If this is the case, why do so many Myanmar officials call for the repeal of sanctions so prominently? Could it be that sanctions are inhibiting the ability of the privileged class of officials and oligarchs and their families to maximize their profits and deepen their control of the economy?
Justice, not revenge
Steinberg misrepresents the call for a UN Commission of Inquiry. Calls for a high-level inquiry have been voiced for years, from the UN, a Harvard Law School report endorsed by five eminent jurists including Judge Richard Goldstone, and numerous non-governmental organizations. The current proposal did not stem from activist "orthodoxy", but from a recommendation by the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, to the Human Rights Council in Geneva in March 2010.
To date, 16 countries have publicly affirmed their support for the establishment of an inquiry, as have two of Quintana's predecessors, a host of Nobel Prize winners, many Myanmar political opposition organizations, and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi. This isn't orthodoxy; it's a principled call seeking an end to impunity for serious violations of international law.
Steinberg is fueling the erroneous perception that the proposal is designed to target just the Myanmar military, when a commission of inquiry would investigate all parties to the conflict and alleged violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law. It would first establish the facts of the conflict and map out patterns of abuses and perpetrators, and then make recommendations. It is not a covert push for an International Criminal Court investigation. As Suu Kyi herself has said, she supports an inquiry, not a tribunal.
Steinberg hardly acknowledges the fundamental role that state violence, coercion and fear play in the daily routine of many people's lives in Myanmar. He avoids mentioning any details of these "apparent" violations. Increased counter-insurgency operations this year in Karen, Shan and Kachin states have displaced some 50,000 people, with reports of direct attacks against civilians, torture, use of sexual violence against women and young girls, and other brutally commonplace features of Myanmar military practices.
It is anything but a "foolish consistency" to seek to end the suffering of the victims of the country's long running civil war past and present, the ongoing abuses resulting from intensive militarization in ethnic areas, and the systematic state persecution of the ethnic Rohingya Muslim minority in western Myanmar.
Even new president Thein Sein in his March 30 speech voiced concerns over the "hell of untold miseries" that people living in conflict areas have endured for decades. The information minister Kyaw Hsan, in a press conference in August, reportedly broke down emotionally when discussing development initiatives in border conflict areas, which is either an acknowledgement of the abuses perpetrated in the war, a guilty conscience, or mere crocodile tears.
What many detractors of the commission of inquiry proposal ignore is the role that such a commission played in increasing the engagement of the International Labor Organization (ILO) in Myanmar to tackle the widespread and systemic use of forced labor. That inquiry, released in 1998, paved the way for high-level talks between the ILO and military government, the official banning of all forced labor in 1999, the establishment of a permanent ILO office in Yangon (Rangoon), and a supplementary understanding reached in 2007 that permits the ILO to investigate cases of forced labor and child soldier recruitment.
The efforts of the ILO are widely acknowledged as a model of principled international interaction with the Myanmar authorities, and official forced labor complaints to the ILO continue to increase. The effect has been a marked decrease in the use of forced labor by officials in urban and rural Myanmar over the past 10 years. But as the ILO makes clear, the practice of the Myanmar army has not improved at all.
Take, for instance, the post-election pattern of abuses. In January 2011, the Myanmar military drew an estimated 700 convicted criminals from more than 12 prisons in central Myanmar to carry supplies as conflict porters for intensified fighting against ethnic Karen rebels.
The ex-porters I interviewed spoke of how soldiers forced them to walk first through heavily mined areas, summarily executed wounded porters, and tortured porters deemed to break the harsh rules. This is not a recent phenomenon, but a routine practice by the Myanmar military. In short, the optimism of post-election reforms does not extend to the conflict zones, which demonstrates not just the disregard of the military to its own citizens, but is also reflective of the lack of new thinking by the central government in dealing with ethnic disunity.
Eyes open engagement
Steinberg is asking for people to wait and see what comes of the new government, and hope for positive change to blossom. But proponents of a commission of inquiry know that abuses are occurring, and an inquiry is one proposal to seek an end to them. Sanctions are not working, and will never work on their own, but can be made more effective if the sanctioning countries coordinate and calibrate their efforts. Neither sanctions nor justice are being used as threats against the new government, and if Steinberg seriously believes they are being wielded as destructive tools then he is not paying much attention to the real messages he so easily distorts.
Steinberg argues that outsiders do not have a moral right to tell Myanmar citizens to rise up to resist the regime. And he's right. We don't. But outsiders also don't have a right to tell the country's citizens, as Steinberg does, that their "immediate well-being ... should take precedence over the possible and unknown long-term improvement of their lot". In other words, that they should accept the injustice they face in their daily lives and their disenfranchisement from politics, and focus instead on improving their material well being, which the new government might be willing to allow, rather than confronting the government in ways that bring a violent response.
This is a choice that some people in Myanmar will make, of course. And we should not judge them for it. But a great many others would be profoundly offended to hear a foreigner tell them that they should choose bread over freedom. As would most South Africans under apartheid, Poles under communism, French citizens under the Vichy government, and so on and so on. What Steinberg doesn't understand is human nature. People don't want to live the way the government makes people live in Myanmar. They value their dignity, not just their material well being. Often they are willing to sacrifice the latter for the former. And while we can't tell them they must do that, it is foolish to base public policy on an expectation that they won't.
Even if Steinberg were right in principle that if everyone played along with the Myanmar military for the next decade, avoiding confrontation, and encouraging reformist tendencies, in practice a great many Myanmar citizens are simply not going to play along.
Ethnic minorities are unlikely to sit back and take the abuse they are getting and give up their militias and sign up for the Border Guards (which is what they would do if they accepted Steinberg's "rational" approach). Some groups can be expected to fight on, even if it brings them more grief in the short run. One can also expect more acts of resistance to the government from the Myanmar population, whether small ones or large ones as in the 2007 demonstrations. And none of this will happen because outsiders encourage it; it will come from within Myanmar society.
There is a nastier undertone to Steinberg's piece in his cynical denial of the role that justice can play in authoritarian transitions. He does so in order to see the bright side of possibility, not the dark side of reality. This is why his call for "do no harm" in Western policy formulation appears so simple: he is really saying "do nothing".
David Scott Mathieson is a Senior Researcher in the Asia Division of Human Rights Watch.
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Finding lost horizons
English.news.cn 2011-08-22 10:52:57
By Xu Wei
BEIJING, Aug. 22 (Xinhuanet) -- Breathtaking landscapes and scenes of hushed tranquillity still abound in Yunnan Province, but Xu Wei finds out that commerce makes inroads in this land of Shangri-La.
Green and scenic Yunnan Province seems a world away from the scorching summer heat in Shanghai. The exotic province on the Myanmar border is among the few places in China where the vegetation is always green and it's like spring all year round.
Yunnan is a favorite with hikers, climbers and those who appreciate colorful ethnic cultures.
Though the capital Kunming and other cities are developing rapidly, there is still great beauty and tranquillity to be found. Many people from cities around China have fled urban areas, moved to Yunnan and opened cafes, bars, galleries and various small businesses.
There are many scenic spots and resorts but for a short visit of around 10 days, tourists should not miss the ancient cities of Dali, Lijiang and picturesque Shangri-La.
No one knows for sure the location of Shangri-La in James Hilton's famous 1993 novel "Lost Horizon," but in modern China, Zhongdian County was renamed Xianggelila (Shangri-La in Chinese) in 2001, to attract tourists.
One of many beautiful areas is the northwestern Yunnan-Guizhou Plateau, which averages 2,000 meters above sea level and where peaks reach as high as 3,700 meters.
Shanghai travelers are especially charmed since the city of 20 million people has only one hill, Sheshan, which stands at just 97 meters above sea level, and its rural suburbs though charming are hardly breathtaking.
On my drive from Yunnan's capital city Kunming to Dali, I was enchanted by the cloudless sapphire skies, luxuriant vegetation and traditional buildings of different ethnic groups.
The province is home to around 25 ethnic minorities, including the well-known Bai, Naxi, Dai and Tibetan people, come living in small communities and autonomous prefectures.
The city of Dali is home to many Dai people known for their rich culture, including famously artistic architecture, music and song.
The Bai people regard white as a noble color and many brick and plaster walls are painted white, with auspicious Chinese characters painted on them.
Some imposing houses bear the names and positions of the resident family. The wooden roofs, upturned eaves, arches, corridors and other architectural features are heavily ornamented and often bear wooden and stone carvings of flying dragons, phoenix, bats, rabbits and other animals representing peace and prosperity.
Residents warmly welcome visitors with legendary san dao cha or "three-course tea," which in flavor reflects their life's philosophy: the first tea is bitter, the second sweet and the third has a pleasing aftertaste. It's compared by some to the phases of life.
The Bai people celebrate the colorful Raosanlin Festival, a kind of Valentine's Day for married couples. According to the tour guide, ancient Bai people always obeyed their parents in matters of marriage and never eloped or died for a lost love. But from around April 23-25 on the lunar calendar, they are allowed to wear their most beautiful costumes and date with their true love. They have bonfire parties in which they sing and dance to bandore (stringed bass instrument) music .
The city of Dali, which dates back more than 600 years, is famous for four special scenes: the flowers in Shangguan, the wind in Xiaguan, the snow on the peak of Mt Cang and the moon reflected in Lake Erhai. Most are unspoiled and the tourist facilities do not damage the environment.
Every year more than 40,000 foreign tourists visit Dali and there is a foreigners' street in the heart of its ancient town that faces Lake Erhai to the east and Mt Cang to the west. The street is lined with cafes, Western-style restaurants, galleries, and shops selling clothing, silver, handicrafts, hiking equipment and other goods.
It takes about four hours to drive from Dali to scenic Lijiang, home of the Naxi ethnic group. An earthquake in 1996 damaged the beautiful city and brought it considerable media exposure that later increased the influx of tourists.
Nowadays, Lijiang has become one of the most popular holiday destination in China. Some people move there in seek of a leisurely life, others seek business opportunities. More than 3,000 stores sell typical colorful shawls, jewelry and souvenirs in Lijiang's ancient town.
Many souvenirs are not authentic and locally produced but are imported from Yiwu, a large manufacturing and distributing center of small commodities in Zhejiang Province. Dining can be expensive in the ancient city, where monthly rent can cost tens of thousands of yuan.
Tourism has turned out to be a double-edged sword for the city. On one hand, it has propelled economic development; on the other hand, much of its peaceful lifestyle and cultural heritage are vanishing in a wave of commerce.
Now, walking on the streets of Lijiang is not unlike walking around big cities such as Shanghai and Beijing - that's not much of a respite from Shanghai.
But the nearby Lashihai Wetland Park is still unspoiled. It shelters more than 57 kinds of migratory birds which pass the long winter in the warm Yunnan climate. Some birds are endangered and protected, such as the black stork, the black-necked crane and hooded crane. Bird-watching season is from December through February.
The wetland is a good place for horseback riding around the lake and enjoying scenery, farmland and Naxi villages that have not been polluted by tourism.
A favorite horseback-riding route follows the Cha Ma Gu Dao or Ancient Tea Route, also called the Southern Silk Road and the Tea and Horse Road. It was an important trade link from tea-producing areas of Yunnan to India via Burma (today's Myanmar) and to Tibet and central China via Sichuan Province. Around 1,000 years ago, people exchanged tea and silver for livestock.
Taking a boat ride in the wetlands and its lake, one can relax and enjoy the poetic landscapes, willow trees on the banks and the reflection of snow-capped Yulong Snow Mountain in the emerald-green rippling water. A boat man uses his pole to make the boat glide through waterways where birds, fish and lush vegetation abound.
The food in Lijiang is delicious and healthy, including truffles and fresh water salmon hot pot. People also cook spirulina, a nutrient-dense blue-green algae that is extremely high in protein and micro-nutrients. It also helps protect from UV radiation at high elevations, as in Yunnan. It is widely exported as a nutritional supplement.
Many people compare Shangri-La, a Tibetan town in northwest Yunnan Province, to an ideal of tranquillity, a way of living at peace with oneself, one's fellows and nature. I was amazed by the spectacular and serene landscapes in this hidden paradise.
The Potatso National Park is awe-inspiring. Eco-friendly shuttle buses take tourists to the major attractions, pristine Shudu and Bita lakes at an elevation of 4,000 meters. Wooden walkways are built around the lakes and boat rides are available.
The park contains grassy highlands where yaks and horses graze in the shadow of great show-covered mountains. Tibetan villages are also attractions, but have not changed greatly because of commerce, according to guides.
In Shangri-La, visitors can buy saffron and caterpillar fungus (cordyceps or aweto) which grows on the plateaus.
The herbs are famous for boosting the immune system. They are famously expensive, and prices in Shangri-La are around 300 yuan per gram in average.
How to get there
The direct flight from Shanghai to Kunming takes around two and a half hours. There are bus, train and air connections between Kunming, Dali, Lijiang and Shangri-La.
There are also direct flights from Shanghai to Lijiang and Shangri-La. But to fly to Dali, travelers must transfer at Kunming Wujiabao International Airport.
Travel tips:
Take strong sunscreen, lip balm, sun glasses and hat because of the intense sun and UV radiation.
The temperature fluctuates dramatically from day to night. Carry a flexible combination of clothes and layers to keep comfortable. Recovery from colds and respiratory infections can be slow in the thin air of the plateau.
Due to the lack of oxygen, do not exercise vigorously. Take plenty of water, disposable oxygen bottles and appropriate medicine (some to be taken in advance) for altitude sickness. But in case of serious discomfort, the best advice is to move to a lower elevation.
Beware fake silver, jade and jadeite, herbs and truffles and do not buy from unauthorized vendors and stores. Remember that many trinkets are made in Yiwu, Zhejiang Province.
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Scientists pinpoint sources of four major international rivers
English.news.cn 2011-08-22 21:05:47
BEIJING, Aug. 22 (Xinhua) -- Chinese scientists have pinpointed the sources of four major rivers that flow through China and south Asia, and measured their lengths and size of drainage basins, information that will prove to be invaluable for future environmental research.
The information about the Brahmaputra, Indus, Salween and Irrawaddy rivers was a result of expeditions and satellite photograph analysis by researchers from the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS).
Previously, the sources of the four rivers were never clearly designated, and differing accounts regarding their lengths and drainage areas confused researchers for many years due to restrictions of natural conditions and surveying and mapping technologies, said Liu Shaochuang, a researcher with the Institute of Remote Sensing Applications under the CAS.
The four rivers originate on the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau along with the Yangtze, Yellow, Mekong and Ganges rivers, and provide water for about 1.3 billion people, according to Liu.
Liu has worked to locate the sources of the world's largest rivers since the 1990s. He has pinpointed the sources of 15 principal rivers and measured their lengths by using satellite remote-sensing technology and conducting field investigations.
Liu said some of his previous findings have been cited by the U.S. National Geographic Society and the Mekong River Commission.
Liu said the location of the sources of the four rivers will be of great significance for environmental researchers.
He said the determination of the four rivers' sources was based on a principle commonly accepted within the international geographical community: that the source of a river is defined as the longest branch in the river's drainage basin.
To locate the headstreams of the rivers and measure their lengths, Liu's team used remote-sensing images provided by the U.S. Landsat satellite and the French SPOT satellite.
These satellites provided his team with high-resolution photos of the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau.
However, Liu and his team still wished to verify the accuracy of the images themselves.
To that end, the institute of the CAS and the National Geomatics Center of China under the National Administration of Surveying, Mapping and Geoinformation formed joint expedition teams to conduct four field investigations between 2007 and 2010.
The result of their analysis and field investigations showed that the Brahmaputra River, called Yarlungzangbo in China, originates on the Angsi Glacier, located on the northern side of the Himalayas in Burang County of China's Tibet Autonomous Region.
The source of Brahmaputra was previously believed to be either on the Chema-yungdung glacier, as proposed by Indian geographer Swami Pranavananda in the 1930s, who based on the tradition of local Tibetans, or on the Kobei glacier, as determined by Swedish explorer Sven Hedin in 1907.
The river is 3,848 kilometers long, and its drainage area is 712,035 square kilometers, according to the new findings, while previous documents showed its length varied from 2,900 to 3,350 kilometers, and its drainage area between 520,000 and 1.73 million square kilometers.
Liu's team found that the Indus River, which provides invaluable agricultural irrigation for Pakistan, originates in a valley northeast of Kailash, the highest peak of the Gangdise Mountain, in Geji County of Tibet.
Its headstream, called Banggokong by local Tibetans, is about 30 kilometers away from Senge Khambab, which Sven Hedin believed was the source of the river more than 100 years ago, said Liu.
The new findings show that the Indus River is 3,600 kilometers long, against previously believed 2,900 or 3,200 kilometers. Its drainage area is more than one million square kilometers, according to Liu's research.
The river runs through China, India and Pakistan, with nearly 200 million people living in its drainage basin.
The Salween River, known to the Chinese as Nujiang, was found to originate from the Jammergangarlor glacier located on the southern side of the Tanggula Mountain in Amdo County of Tibet.
The length of the river is 3,562 kilometers, and its drainage area is 266,037 square kilometers, according to the new findings.
Liu said that only vague descriptions regarding the source of the river were available before his team completed their research.
The Irrawaddy River, one of the most important commercial waterways in Myanmar, was found to originate from the Laka Co on the southern side of the Baxoila Range in Zayu County of Tibet.
The new findings show the river is 2,288 kilometers long, and its drainage area is 420,934 square kilometers. In previous documents, the river's length was recorded between 1,600 and 2,720 kilometers.
The headstreams of Brahmaputra, Indus and Salween perch above an altitude of more than 5,300 meters, while that of Irrawaddy stands at more than 4,700 meters, according to Liu's findings.
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S Korea to help Myanmar build disease research laboratory
English.news.cn 2011-08-21 11:40:43
YANGON, Aug. 21 (Xinhua) -- South Korea will help Myanmar build a laboratory for research on communicable diseases under a cooperation program with the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA), a state media reported Sunday.
According to the agreement signed between Myanmar's Medical Research Department and the South Korean Embassy in Yangon on Saturday, the project will be funded by the KOICA with 3 million U. S. dollars, the New Light of Myanmar said.
Myanmar and South Korea are stepping up cooperation in the health sector. Their bilateral cooperation program covers medical research, upgrading laboratories in Myanmar, sending health staff to South Korea to study special medical subjects and providing healthcare to the people in Myanmar by Korean medical teams.
The KOICA has stationed in Myanmar since 1991 extending the technical expertise and equipment needed for social service organizations as well as training in related fields.
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Gulfnews.com - Healing wounds in Myanmar
The Suu Kyi-Sein meeting hints at moves towards reconciliation with the regime
Published: 00:00 August 22, 2011
There are definite and positive signs of a political climate change in Myanmar with constructive and cordial discussions carried out between the country's champion of democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi and President Thien Sein, a former general.
Obviously much more needs to happen in order to make a clear prediction on the outcome of the relationship between Suu Kyi and the junta, who have managed to keep her in political isolation for decades. But there is cautious optimism that perhaps the first of the many baby steps towards a reconciliation between the two parties have been effected.
In the words of the government, "Both sides sought potential common grounds to cooperate in the interests of the nation and the people, putting aside different views." Suu Kyi put her personal endorsement on the official statement saying that she "was encouraged". If the two entities saw a way of coming together then the age-old wounds in Myanmar would be healed.
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Monsters and Critics - Myanmar passports issued to workers in Thailand quadruple
Aug 21, 2011, 6:16 GMT
Yangon - The number of temporary passports issued to Myanmar nationals working in Thailand has quadrupled over the past 12 months, media reports said Sunday.
Some 530,000 temporary passports were issued to Myanmar migrant labourers in Thailand during the period ending August 15, compared with only 118,000 during the previous 12 months, the Myanmar Times reported.
The increase was attributed to the government's decision to allow registration offices in the border towns of Ranong and Tachilek to facilitate passports for citizens seeking to be registered as legal workers in Thailand.
There are an estimated 2 million registered migrant labourers in Thailand, and an estimated 1 million still unregistered.
'The Ranong office has issued the highest numbers of passports even though it's only been open about a year because it's more convenient for Myanmar workers in Thailand,' an official told the weekly newspaper.
In July 2011, the validity of the temporary passports was extended from three to six years.
Despite Thailand's efforts to register its migrant workers, and adopt laws that protect them from exploitation, there are reports of widespread abuses of foreign labourers.
'Corruption, coupled with the infamous brokerage system, has diluted the efficacy of government policies and programmes to combat human trafficking,' UN special rapporteur on human trafficking Joy Ezeilo said in Bangkok Friday after a 12-day tour of the country.
'There is widespread occurrence of sexual exploitation, including child prostitution, pornography and sex tourism,' Ezeilo said, adding that she had found evidence of increased trafficking of forced labour in agriculture, construction and the fishing industry.
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Scoop - Nobel Support for a Noble Cause
Monday, 22 August 2011, 4:30 pm
Article: Nava Thakuria
As India is uprising against corruption, the Nobel laureate Burmese pro-democracy leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has extended her support to the movement. The largest democracy in the globe has witnessed a second Freedom Movement (against corruption in high places) under the leadership of Gandhian Anna Hazare. Hundred thousands citizens of the huge country have marched to the streets for a specific anti-corruption law by the government.
The Union government led by Indian National Congress party initially overlooked the issue and submitted a seemingly week anti-graft law in the Parliament. Some of Congress leaders even made ridiculous statement that Anna himself was a corrupt person and so he does not have right to speak against corruption. Anna Hazare was also put in Tihar jail for some time, but soon the government faced the hit and retreated.
Meanwhile the civil society groups under the banner of India Against Corruption have poured their supports for a powerful Jana Lokpal that may even question the Prime Minister’s Office in need. Emerged as a living legend for over one billion Indians, Anna Hazare continues the protest in the form of hunger strike in the capital city, New Delhi. Hundreds of Indian cities have witnessed various demonstrations to showcase their solidarity to Anna Hazare’s initiative.
A follower of Bapu (India’s father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi), Anna Hazare declared that his fasting will continue until the parliament enacts the Jana Lokpal by August 30, 2011. If it is not entertained his supporters are advised to go for Jail Bharo (courting arrest) programme nationwide.
Suu Kyi, who also preaches Gandhian philosophy, expressed her heartiest solidarity to the present uprising of civilians for a corruption free India and commented that corruption is in fact rampant in Burma too. Appreciating Anna Hazare for his mission, the Burmese icon expects more people would come forward to raise voices against socio-political evils in the coming days.
Talking to a journalist (representing an Indian media group) in Rangoon recently, the National League for Democracy chief argues that the fight against corruption and injustice will ‘go on for generation after generation’.
Meanwhile, Suu Kyi met the Burmese President Thein Sein on August 19 and it was their first meeting. In fact, after her release from house arrest in last November, the Lady was invited to the new capital in Nay Pie Taw, which is around 330 km north of Rangoon, for the first time. The Burmese media reported that after meeting the President for about a hour, Suu Kyi also met Thein Sein 's wife, Khin Khin Win and other government officials.
The Burmese exiles have seen this development as a positive gesture from the military controlled authority to Suu Kyi. Even some of them believe that the Burmese regime is still apprehensive of another uprising in Burma for a real democracy and the Indian experience may ignite the people of Burma for such movement.
“We are optimistic about the people’s movement against corruption in India and expecting that it will make definite impact on Burmese people for their long standing movement for a democratic regime in Burma,” said Dr Tint Swe, a senior Burmese political leader associated with Suu Kyi’s NLD.
Speaking to this writer in a telephonic conversation, Dr Swe also added that the uprising in India will definitely make an impact on Burma as Suu Kyi had already extended her support to the movement. He, of course, admits that the military controlled government will never allow mass protest in Burma, but even then an under current may influence the aspiring people inside Burma for another upsurge for democracy and justice in the Southeast Asian country.
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Ekklesia - Global church group makes solidarity visit to Burma
By staff writers 22 Aug 2011
A global churches' team representing the World Council of Churches visited Burma this month, as part of the council’s commitment to accompanying churches in conflict situations.
The 4 to 9 August 2011 visit was a follow-up to a WCC Living Letters team visit to the country, officially known as Myanmar, in late 2010.
The five participants in the international ecumenical solidarity team included WCC Central Committee members, Asian church representatives from neighbouring countries and WCC staff.
The members of the solidarity team were given opportunities to understand the social and economic realities of the people under the new political dispensation in the country.
Prior to the visit to Myanmar, the members of the delegation visited a refugee camp in Thailand populated by hundreds of Myanmar citizens who had to flee from conflict zones in Myanmar and who crossed the border to Thailand where they are now waiting for grants of asylum in other countries.
The Rev Rothangliani Chhangte, a member of the WCC Central Committee representing the American Baptist Churches (ABC) in the USA observed that the international community needs to be more conscious of the problems in Myanmar, especially the plight of refugees who are seeking asylum in a third country.
At the last WCC Central Committee meeting, Chhangte made an intervention on the need for ecumenical accompaniment to address the plight of Myanmar citizens and the situation of internally displaced people, refugees and migrant workers from Myanmar.
Upon her return from Myanmar, she stated that a “re-opening of the registration process in refugee camps in Thailand is much needed. There are more than 150,000 refugees living in crowded camps along the Thai-Burma border."
"In 2005, the Thai government allowed the UNHCR to register people who wanted to be resettled in a third country," However, she added, "This was a one-time registration, and since then the Thai government has resisted requests to re-open registration. The United States has resettled the bulk of the refugees along with a few European countries, Canada and Australia.”
Chhangte coordinates the work of the ABC dealing with migrants from Myanmar in the United States. She reports that “the American Baptist Churches currently have more than 100 congregations across the USA with sizable numbers of Myanmarese who have migrated to the US. More than 80,000 Myanmar refuges have migrated to the U.S since 2006.”
Semegnish Asfaw, who coordinates WCC Living Letters team visits, said that “the members of the solidarity team noted that the youth and women were not so hopeful about their future, given the current situation in the country, although there has been a political change recently. After the long years of conflicts and political stalemate in the country, many young people think that their future seems pretty gloomy.”
The team heard stories of human trafficking, especially of women and young girls. Hundreds of women have been trafficked to neighbouring countries in recent years for forced marriages or forced labour.
In a meeting with church leaders in Myanmar, the visiting delegation heard that since the last general election in November 2010, “Myanmar is slowly evolving towards a more democratic state. However, the new political trend is to introduce changes in a rather slow process which may not be appreciated by the people, who have suffered long enough.”
Dr Mathews George Chunakara, director of the Commission of the Churches on International Affairs of the WCC, said that “the church leaders in Myanmar are concerned about the resumption of the conflicts in several states where Christians constitute a large segment of the population.”
According to Mathews George, “Over years the Myanmar churches have played roles in peace and reconciliation, and the effectiveness of that witness is visible in ceasefire agreements in areas like Kachin state, where the ethnic Kachin tribes represented by the Kachin Independent Army and Kachin independence organizations were in conflict with the Myanmar military for years. However, ceasefire negotiations have stalled since the end of June, posing a serious threat to any reasonable political changes in the country.”
Church leaders reported that in Kachin state, several thousand people have been displaced as a result of the conflict that broke out in past weeks, and people are facing serious food shortages as well as the spread of diseases including malaria.
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The Irrawaddy - COMMENTARY: Suu Kyi's Long Road to Naypyidaw
By AUNG ZAW Monday, August 22, 2011
The broad smile on her face translated as more than just an indication that she was pleased to be there. Moreover, the “VVIP” reception she received and the queue of powerful ministers, tycoons and economists that lined up to speak to her spoke volumes.
It is clear—even to her opponents—that Aung San Suu Kyi is not an “ordinary civilian,” which was the term Burma's Vice-president Tin Aung Myint Oo had used to describe her to US Senator John McCain in June.
Suu Kyi’s first face-to-face meeting with President Thein Sein at the presidential palace is welcome news. There is no doubt that her high-profile attendance at a government workshop in Naypyidaw last week is highly significant.
She and the president reportedly enjoyed a cordial conversation, though no details of the meeting were released by either camp. It has also been learned that Thein Sein and his wife hosted Suu Kyi for dinner at the presidential palace.
Burmese state broadcasts on Friday evening and state newspapers on Saturday reported Suu Kyi’s meeting with Thein Sein, and showed pictures and footage of the two sat for reporters beneath a picture of Suu Kyi’s father, Gen Aung San, Burma’s independence hero and founder of the Burmese armed forces.
Was there a subliminal message here? Suu Kyi's bold and upright appearance in the photograph appeared as if she were visiting the president on behalf of her father. “What have you done to Burma?” could have been the caption.
State mouthpiece The New Light of Myanmar reported the meeting from a different angle: “The president and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi tried to find out the potential common grounds to cooperate in interests [sic] of the nation and the people putting aside different views.”
The news report did not explore further what “potential common grounds” were discussed.
But whatever the rhetoric, the apparent progress is certainly heartening.
We were told that Suu Kyi was pleasantly surprised when the government's liaison, Labour Minister Aung Kyi, invited her to a second round of meetings earlier this month.
NLD sources immediately noted that Aung Kyi no longer played the role of messenger. He appeared to be in a position to negotiate, and had apparently softened his stance and presented the opposition leader some concessions. Sources said that these included the release of some political prisoners and the invitation to Naypyidaw to meet Thein Sein.
Informed sources have suggested that at the core of Aung Kyi's brinkmanship was the fact that the government wants Suu Kyi’s endorsement when it approaches the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for assistance. Recently, it was reported that the new Burmese government was seeking IMF help to reform its complex foreign exchange system.
At the same time, The Lady herself built up her political muscles after dissidents and exiled Burmese had whispered into her ear the need for her to step up and be more pragmatic at the negotiating table.
Since then, both her and her NLD aides have appeared much more savvy—Suu Kyi's charisma metamorphosing into a cool gravitas—and much less likely to be bullied at recent talks.
At the second meeting between Aung Kyi and Suu Kyi, they made real progress. Without it, Suu Kyi would not have gone to Naypyidaw.
Win Tin, a staunch critic of the regime who spent 19 years in prison, followed in spirit by softening his tone, saying that he believes dialogue between government and the opposition party leader is a real possibility.
While in Naypyidaw, Suu Kyi met several important players—though notably not Snr-Gen Than Shwe— including government cronies, influential businessmen, presidential advisers, and several powerful ministers who were reportedly pleased to meet her.
Observers are naturally questioning why the government has apparently had a change of heart? Even the cynics, the doubters and the overly cautious among us see reason to feel upbeat.
But this is not the first time Suu Kyi has received privileged treatment from her captors. The year before her convoys were ambushed and dozens were killed in Depayin in May 2003, she and top NLD aides were taken to rural areas on an inspection tour of the government’s “nation-building” projects.
She was also treated with regal respect when regional commanders and officials welcomed her and her party leaders to a tour of dam- and road- building projects.
Even her fiercest opponent, Than Shwe, and his top brass conceded to dine with the Suu Kyi and her team at that time.
But then it all went pear-shaped. Suu Kyi's political tours drew hundreds of thousands of supporters wherever she went. The euphoria and adulation for the Nobel Peace Prize laureate convinced the military junta that she must be stopped by hook or by crook. She spent the next seven years under house arrest.
This time round, pundits say, the new civilian offshoot of the previous regime is eager to demonstrate that they don’t belong to the past and that they are different, changed, evolved.
Optimists opine that in spite of the ongoing power struggle within the government, Thein Sein, who served under Than Shwe for many years, is more reform-minded, will more likely tolerate opposition, and could find it expedient to make a deal with Suu Kyi.
For the first time in a generation, the reformers within the government may have the upper hand.
Be that as it may, critics are quite correct to point out that the government is eager to present a cleaner image ahead of the decision by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) on whether to allow Burma to chair the regional bloc in 2014.
They say the olive branch offered to Suu Kyi and the opposition, as well as an invitation to Burmese exiles to return home, are hollow gestures aimed as gaining international credibility.
During her talks with the liaison minister, Suu Kyi reportedly aired widespread concerns about the conflicts in Kachin, Shan and Karen states. Whatever assurances she received, skeptics caution that the previous regime’s divide-and-rule strategy between ethnic and democratic forces will come back into play—that the regime will want to exclude the ethnic groups from the dialogue.
In anticipation of this policy, Burma's democratic forces and ethnic nationalities must play ball to ensure that national reconciliation takes on a more harmonious quality.
In addition to insisting that ethnic armed groups be included in political dialogue, we must maintain our guarded optimism, and keep requesting the government to free all political prisoners. Without a successful resolution of these issues, Burma will never achieve peace and stability.
Most argue, though, that whatever deep skepticism exists, it is now time to move in a direction that will make the government and president of Burma accountable.
Of course, everyone wants to see actions, not just words. To gauge whether the government is prepared to take those meaningful steps, we will require Suu Kyi to drive that long lonely highway to Naypyidaw several more times.
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The Irrawaddy - Suu Kyi's Govt. Talks Give Prisoners Hope
By WAI MOE Monday, August 22, 2011
Burma’s pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi met President Thein Sein and other government officials over the weekend, but family members of more than 2,000 political prisoners remain in the dark over whether their loved ones will soon be freed.
On Sunday, 50 friends and relatives of political prisoners gathered at the house of Min Zayar, one of the leaders of the 88 Generation Students, to mark the four-year anniversary of the arrest of the group's leaders and to pray for their release.
Twenty-three group members, including Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi, were arrested in the days following their Aug. 19, 2007, protest against fuel price rises which led to mass demonstrations demanding political reform. They were each sentenced to 65 years imprisonment.
UN Human Rights Special Rapporteur on Burma Ojea Quintana is also currently on a five-day trip to the Southeast Asian nation, as friends and family members of political prisoners plan to present petitions to Thein Sein demanding their release.
“Since the new government in Naypyidaw came into power, the most significant step for democratic reform would be to release political prisoners,” said Han Latt, a former political prisoner in Rangoon who is involved with the petition. “Without the release of political prisoners, just calling for the return of Burmese exiles is not enough to instil confidence regarding the government’s intentions.”
Aung Tun, the brother of Ko Ko Gyi, one of the 88 Generation group leaders who is now serving a 65-year sentence in Shan State's Mong Sat Prison, said that his family have been hoping for years that prisoners will soon be released.
“I think the situation will not be the same forever, so I have hope for my brother’s release. But the only certainty will come if political prisoners arrive back in their homes,” he added.
Since July 25, Suu Kyi and senior government members including Thein Sein and Aung Kyi, minster for Labor and for Social Welfares, Reliefs and Resettlements, have officially held three rounds of talks.
According to a joint-statement by Suu Kyi and Aung Kyi as well as reports on state media, the two sides will cooperate to achieve stability and development in the country and will work on “potential common ground.”
It is unclear whether the two sides are officially discussing a general amnesty for dissidents and ethnic armed groups, although some sources suggest that Suu Kyi has raised the issue of political prisoners and ethnic minorities during talks in Rangoon and Naypyidaw.
And Suu Kyi has often expressed the view that peace with ethnic minorities and the release of political prisoners are two key issues in Burma’s national reconciliation process.
“To progress there must be awareness of the two great needs for our country: the need to weave harmony between the different ethnic nationalities and the need to achieve the release of all political prisoners,” Suu Kyi wrote in her recent article in Japan’s The Manichi Daily News on Monday. “There can be no holiday from such awareness.”
Ojea Quintana is currently touring Naypyidaw on his first trip to Burma for 18 months, as activists call for a UN commission of inquiry into alleged government human rights violations in the country.
Arriving in Burma’s capital on Sunday, Quintana met Burmese Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin and Home Affairs Minister Lt-Gen Ko Ko, who is also chairman of the government’s Human Rights Committee.
The New Light of Myanmar reported on Monday that Quintana and Wunna Maung Lwin “discussed progress in Myanmar [including] improvements and the protection of human rights” while the UN rapporteur and Ko Ko “focused on improvements and the protection of human rights in Myanmar.”
Quintana is scheduled to meet Suu Kyi for the first time in Rangoon, and is also likely to meet family members of political prisoners in the former capital.
Meanwhile, the second session of the Hluttaw (Parliament) kicked off in Naypyidaw on Monday, and is the first session since Thein Sein’s government was sworn in on March 30. Before the Hluttaw opening, a rumor spread in Rangoon’s political community that the Hluttaw will discuss the amnesty issue.
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The Irrawaddy - Kyaw Hsan's Snub of Suu Kyi Shows Govt. Split?
Monday, August 22, 2011
Burma's Information Minister Kyaw Hsan deliberately kept himself aloof from pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi at the economic forum in Naypyidaw on Saturday, while other government ministers and businessmen virtually gave her a standing ovation upon arrival. Critics claim his actions disclose differences among the country's top leadership towards the opposition.
The day after Suu Kyi held a private meeting with President Thein Sein in Napyidaw, the Nobel Laureate attended the Naypyidaw's national economic forum at the government's invitation. Government ministers and leading businessmen warmly welcomed her there and engaged in friendly conversation.
But Kyaw Hsan was not among those who adopted this attitude to Suu Kyi. Even though he was seated on the same front row only a short distance away, the former general not only did not offer any greeting to the pro-democracy icon. Instead he remained in withdrawn silence and obviously uncomfortable at her presence, according to reporters and government officials who covered the event.
“The information minister looked very stern and also did not join Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and other government ministers at the same table during the tea break,” said a senior government official who attended the forum.
Kyaw Hsan is reportedly a major ally of the conservative hard-line camp led by ex-Gen Vice-President Tin Aung Myint Oo. He is a former brigadier-general and held the same ministerial position in the previous military regime before the parliamentary elections in November.
Like many former military officials, Kyaw Hsan joined the junta-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) after leaving the Burmese Army and won a parliamentary seat in the heavily-criticized ballot.
In coverage of the meeting between Suu Kyi and Thein Sein, the state-run media quoted them as saying that both sides will cooperate with each other in the nation's interests by setting aside their differences. But a week earlier, Kyaw Hsan stressed at a press conference that Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy party (NLD)—which was dissolved by the government last year—needs to register through formal procedures to obtain renewed legal recognition.
It was the line repeated by the government prior to its new soft approach towards Suu Kyi, because the move will require the NLD to agree to an condition within election law that the party will “safeguard” the 2008 Constitution. The document was drafted by the previous military regime and was previously dismissed by the NLD as undemocratic—becoming the primary reason why the party boycotted the 2010 election.
These different responses from government leaders have showed internal conflicts exist between the top leadership, said NLD senior leader Win Tin in a recent interview. Although he expressed optimism about current political developments following Suu Kyi's meeting with Thein Sein, he made it clear that the NLD has not changed its view towards the Constitution.
“Our current focus is the existence of our party. The party must be able to exist without submitting itself to the requirements by the Constitution,” he said.
In a related event, Thura Shwe Mann, the deputy leader of the USDP as well as speaker of the Lower House of Parliament, reportedly told a recent meeting that the party will exercise democracy and adhere to majority rule instead of working under the instructions of a single person or command, according to a report by the local Weekly Eleven journal.
He was the third highest-ranking military official within the previous military regime and is reputed to be in the reformist camp led by President Thein Sein.
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Burma’s Mikhail Gorbachev: President Thein Sein?
Monday, 22 August 2011 12:43 Nyo Ohn Myint
(Commentary) Mizzima – Burma’s President Thein Sein would be wise to consider the lesson former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev learned the hard way.
Burma under President Thein Sein faces ethnic and political pressures as well as economic failure after over two decades of the ruling generals’ cronyism and limited market economy without political liberalization. At the same time, Burma’s new leader is under pressure to bring in positive changes and address the expectations from his newly elected government.
Two decades ago, Soviet General-Secretary Gorbachev found his bold perestroika programme had failed to deliver significant economic improvement, and the elimination of political and social control released latent ethnic and national tensions in the Baltic states and in the republics of Armenia, Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova. Gorbachev was torn. He appeared to be mollifying remaining hardliners, who were disgruntled over the deterioration of the Soviet Empire and increasing marginalization of the Communist party, while at the same time trying to open up the country.
As it turned out, Gorbachev won the 1990 Nobel Peace Prize and international acclaim but lost the Soviet Empire.
Today, Burma is teetering on the brink of change in many ways similar to the last days of the Soviet Union. Burma faces the push and pull of democratic forces and an entrenched power structure, as well as tensions in the ethnic states.
In simple terms, Burma’s new president is not very different from Gorbachev, as he is one of the generals from the previous suppressive military power structure.
During his first presidential speech on March 31, 2011, Thein Sein noted that the first five-year term is the most important in terms of building a modern, developed, democratic nation.
“If we take giant steps, the nation will have a prosperous future,” he said. “To achieve this goal, the government must be a clean one with good governance. In addition, the government must have good management and administrative skills and show a benevolent attitude towards the people. And it must safeguard and serve the public interests. To be a clean government, we must abstain from corruption and bribery, which tarnishes the image of the nation and the people.”
Burma’s new president has declared war on corruption. This will not be that easy. One only has to look at Gorbachev and how Soviet hardliners blocked his policy and protected their interests.
Shifting power from a one-man-show under former dictator General Than Shwe to a so-called elected system could cause more problems than under the previous military regime—yet the previous regime has set up a 100 per cent worry-free political system for their transitional government and own safety, including dirty tricks and an appropriate constitutional framework.
President Thein Sein appears to have moved forward, surprising some observers who did not expect him to go this far. Former Thai Foreign Minister Kasit Piromya who met him in Burma in 2010, when the president was the selected prime minister, noted his gentlemanly style and willingness to be open in his discussions. Burmese regime associates say he has been cautious and observing during his first 100 days in office, noting he not only listened to people close to him but expected views from a range of different people.
As one Burmese political observer said, it is necessary to wait and see whether things will change under his management, noting he has a long way to go and it will be hard to change the “warlords” within his ruling government and party.
No doubt, President Thein Sein has to make slow moves and be cautious about his former bosses and his watchers in government and the military elite. But the economic downturn and mismanagement is pushing him to move faster and therefore he needs help from the other camp.
Perhaps that is why he has picked Aung San Suu Kyi to deal with the international community and general problems in the disaster zone.
Twenty years ago, President Mikhail Gorbachev presided over the collapse of the Soviet Union, under the shadow of US President Ronald Reagan and the threat of his Star Wars programme, providing a new dawn for Russians and its former states.
Who knows, Burma could be next.
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Burmese refugees fearful of being forced back to Burma
Monday, 22 August 2011 22:20 Tun Tun
New Delhi (Mizzima) – Because of a recent speech by Burma’s president inviting citizens living abroad to return home to help the country develop, refugees in Thailand and Malaysia are concerned that Thailand and Malaysia will change their refugee policies.
On Wednesday, Burmese President Thein Sein said the government would invite its citizens living abroad to return home. Thai authorities recently gave instructions to officials at the Umpiem refugee camp to make a list of refugees who want to return to Burma.
“A few days after Thein Sein invited Burmese citizens living in foreign countries to return home, they told us to make the list. But, other refugee camps have not been ordered to make the list,” Saw Wah Htee, the chairman of the Umpiem refugee camp committee, told Mizzima.
The chairman of Tak Province [in which the camp is located] on Thursday ordered Saw Wah Htee to compile the list but no reason was given.
The list must include four areas; the number of refugees who want to return Burma, the number of Burmese refugees who have already arrived in resettlement countries, the number of refugees who have applied to go to resettlement countries and the number of refugees who want to continue to live in Thailand.
“The Thai government did not say state a reason. I think they want to remove this burden [refugees] if they have an opportunity,” said Saw Wah Htee.
The Umpiem refugee camp was set up in 1999. More than 25,000 people live in 16 quarters of the camp. Among them, 11,404 people are recognized by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the remaining have applied for refugee status with the UNHCR.
The list has not yet been compiled because camp officials wanted to meet with the chairman of Tak Province on Monday.
“Our major concern is that Thailand will close the refugee camps. Some refugees do not trust the invitation of the government because it has not released political prisoners and the army has fought against cease-fire armed groups,” said Myo Thant, who has lived in the camp for seven years.
Similarly, Burmese refugees in Malaysia are concerned that the government will force some refugees to return in accordance with Malaysia’s “6Ps” program, and now their concerns are further increased.
“Some people do not have refugee status from the UNHCR so they can be arrested at any time,” said Tun Tun, an official with Burma Campaign-Malaysia.
From August 1 to August 31, in accordance with Malaysia’s “6Ps” program, illegal migrants including refugees need to be officially identified to receive legal status. Malaysia will launch a nationwide crackdown on illegal migrants in November.
The “6Ps” refers to “registration, legalization, granting amnesty, supervision, enforcement and deportation.”
According to the UNHCR-Malaysia Web site, there are 73,000 Burmese refugees recognized by UNHCR including 12,000 Burmese asylum seekers and 5,000 other Burmese. On the other hand, Malaysia-based Burmese organizations have estimated that there are more than 400,000 Burmese refugees in Malaysia who have arrived there via various means.
“We are worried for the refugees who are not in accord with the “6Ps” program. They are refugees. The people who the Malaysia government can force back to their countries are not people who have refugee cards recognized by UN. But, the people who have identification cards only recognized by the [small] communities can be forced to go back,” said Nay Min Tun, an information official with the Malaysian-based Alliance of Arakan Refugees.
Most Burmese refugees in Malaysia have organized small communities and they hold the identification cards recognized by those communities.
Burmese refugees in Malaysia and Thailand said that they have concerns that both governments would force them to return to Burma. Many said that if the Burmese government really makes a genuine change, they would voluntarily return.
“We don’t mean that we don’t want to go back. All the Burmese citizens living in foreign countries including refugees want to go back to Burma if there is genuine peace, stability and security in our land,” said Saw Wah Htee.
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UNFC calls for temporary cease-fire and dialogue
Monday, 22 August 2011 22:49 Kun Chan
Chiang Mai (Mizzima) – The United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) has sent a letter to Burmese President Thein Sein calling for a nationwide temporary cease-fire and to engage in a political dialogue to resolve political and military issues.
“We sincerely and solemnly request a stop to military offensives being launched against ethnic armed groups,” said the letter, which was sent on Wednesday.
The letter asked the central government to negotiate with the United Nationalities Federal Council (UNFC) “which represents ethnic armed groups.”
The letter was signed by UNFC Vice Chairman Lieutenant General N Banla and sent through the Burmese embassy in Thailand.
UNFC General-Secretary Nai Han Thar said that the letter was sent on the advice of the previous military government. The government said: “If you want to discuss political issues, please discuss it with next civilian government.”
The letter said that current issues can be resolved easily if the negotiations are based on the principles in the Panglong Agreement and follow examples in other nations which are made up of multi-ethnic nationalities. Copies of the letter were sent to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, US President Barrack Obama and ministers representing China, India, Thailand and EU nations.
The UNFC wants to engage in a direct dialogue with the central government as a united alliance of ethnic armed groups. However, the government has previously stated that it only wants to engage in a dialogue with ethnic armed groups separately on an individual basis.
The government announced its policy again on Thursday, stating: “As the first phase, those national race armed groups wishing to make peace through solutions to armed conflicts may contact the state or regional government concerned to launch preliminary programes [talks].”
Nai Han Thar said that the government’s offer for separate peace dialogues was a “divide and rule” policy directed at the armed groups and an attempt to break up the unity of ethnic people.
“Our UNFC members will never engage in a political dialogue with the government separately. We have an agreement among us. Every member organization always talks about this stand,” he said.
UNFC members include the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), New Mon State Party (NMSP) and Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP), which had cease-fire agreements with the previous military regime. The agreements were broken when the government sought to force the armed groups to accept its Border Guard Force (BGF) offer to transform their armies into a government-controlled border guard force.
President Thein Sein said at a meeting with government officials and representatives from social and economic communities in Naypyitaw on Wednesday that the government’s problems began after KIO troops damaged hydropower projects.
He also noted that there were ethnic armed groups operating in Shan State and Karen State that opposed government forces. The central government has directed state governments to engage in a peace dialogue with these armed groups after the fighting stops, he said.
The UNFC was formed on February 17 with six primary groups and six associate groups of both cease-fire and non-cease-fire groups for the emergence of a federal Union and to counter the government’s political and military power as an ethnic coalition.
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DVB News - Parliament sits for second session
By AHUNT PHONE MYAT
Published: 22 August 2011
People’s Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann opened the second parliamentary session in Nayipyidaw today in which he said he welcomed suggestions from the public and the international community. While a number of new committees were inaugurated.
Shwe Mann, addressing members of parliament, guests and journalists, described the event as democratic because journalists were present. Reporting on the ongoings of parliament is usually strictly controlled, with journalists rarely allowed inside.
However he also urged MP’s to; “learn from experiences in the past and do what is necessary to do in today’s circumstances with courage and unity.”
“So the parliament needs to be competent and strong,” adding that; “we need to keep working to build it strong while improving the capacity of individual parliament representatives via various trainings. It is also necessary for [representatives] to understand and respect each other to maintain unity in the parliament.”
Many of Burma’s MP’s are former military officers and therefore lack basic skills necessary for their job as an MP, with one member of a parliamentary board charged with financial oversite in the past telling DVB that she had to teach others how to perform basic tasks on a computer.
However Shwe Mann said he was proud to see the parliament’s representatives working for what he claimed to be the interests of the people, the union and the country.
Regarding draft bills submitted to the parliament by representatives, he said; “it is necessary to adopt laws to serve and protect the interest of the country and the people. We also have to work for the citizens’ fundamental rights, democracy and human rights.”
All bills submitted to parliament have to be assessed by the speaker of the house and can be declined without reason. As a result MP’s are extremely restricted as to what can be discussed in parliament.
Shwe Mann was the junta number 3 behind Than Shwe and Maung Aye, a vetaran commander and four star general who earned the title ‘Thura’, meaning brave, in fighting the Karen National Liberation Army in the 1980′s.
As a result Shwe Mann is regarded as a conservative member of Burma’s nominally democratic government.
However the second session of Burma’s parliament comes amidst relative optimism that reform is occurring following talks between opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi with President, Thein Sein. Her first meeting with Burma’s President on her first ever visit to the capital Naypyidaw.
Talking to DVB on the second session Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) National Parliament MP and business man Khin Shwe, appointed to lead the National Parliament Education, Health and Culture Committee said 8-new committees were formed in the National Parliament or upper house;
“Committees were formed in our National Parliament as well as in the People’s Parliament. Apparently, some former government ministers and [former Rangoon] mayor U Aung Thein Linn as well as U Thein Myint were among the list of nominees to lead the committees as well as – members appointed out of parliament representatives.”
Regarding future work by his committee, Khin Shwe said: “We need to figure out whether we will build schools at where students are, or send the students’ to where the schools are – we might need to open a workshop for that. Colleges out of the town is not really good for transportation and the students’ morale. We need to review our education system to make it a strong and healthy system which encourages students to make inputs themselves [in studying] and abandon the parrot-learning system.”
The new committees from the National Parliament will be; Ethnic Affairs and Domestic Peace, Citizens’ Fundamental Rights and Overseas Burmese Nationals, National Planning and Finance, Education, Health and Culture, Women and Children, Public Complaints and Appeal, UN ASEAN & ASEAN Inter Parliamentary Assembly, International Liaison, Peasants and Domestic & Overseas Labour.
The Burmese parliaments sit in two three-month sessions per year.
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DVB News - Rohingya detainees allege Thai abuse
By Joseph Allchin
Published: 22 August 2011
Rohingya asylum seekers in detention in the Indian Andaman islands have alleged shocking abuse at the hands of Thai authorities earlier this year, in a repeat of treatment that Rohingya asylum seekers were subjected to in 2009, and that Thai authorities claimed to have stopped.
Around 91 Rohingya were reportedly rescued by the Indian Navy adrift in the Bay of Bengal, who alleged that they had been pushed out to sea by the Thai Navy in a vessel with no engine and only 100 litres of water. 25 had to be admitted to hospital after their rescue.
Speaking to the South China Morning Post, one Shaik Montaz said; “After torturing us for five days in Thailand, the Thai army handed us over to the Thai navy. The navy soldiers loaded us on to our boat on January 18 and we found that the engine was missing. For more than two days our boat was towed by the navy boat until we were hundreds of miles away from the Thai coast.”
The men were not picked up by the Indian navy till February 5, but the treatment they allege will also cast doubt over Thailand’s human rights record;
“The soldiers beat us badly with wooden batons. They forced us to go nude and stay in seawater for more than five hours every day,” Sohail Ali told the South China Morning Post.
“Using cigarette lighters, the Thai soldiers burned the beards of some of us.”
Former Thai prime minister Abhisit Vejjajiva vowed after similar incidents with Rohingya asylum seekers surfaced in January 2009 that there would be “no repeats”, adding that his government had demonstrated its “sincerity”.
The UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) told DVB that they were never given access to the 91 in either Thailand or India and therefore were unable to verify whether they were indeed the same asylum seekers. Kitty McKinsey from UNHCR did however state that Thailand had been “generous” in accommodating refugees and that they were working well with both the Thai and Indian governments.
Whilst a statement from the Thai authorities claimed that; “It must be emphasised that this action was in line with their wish”….”Thai authorities have no knowledge as to how this group of people may have travelled onwards after they departed from Thai territory.”
This comes as local press in Thailand’s Phuket reported that 33 Rohingya were deported back to Burma on the 19 of August after being detained since January, but reports could not verify what had happened to these detainees.
Alan Morrison and Chutima Sidasathian from the local Phuket Wan news web site did however claim to DVB that the local head of immigration had started pushing all Burmese, regardless of ethnicity, back instead of detaining and attempting to fine illegal Burmese migrants. This could not be verified and it was not sure for how long and how official any such actions or policy were.
As ever with the Rohingya, repatriation is problematic as the Burmese government deny their claims to citizenship and as a result they are left without official documentation, but despite this it was alleged by local media outlets such as the Kaladan Press’ Tin Soe that they were coerced into voting for the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) in last year’s elections, a clear breach of election laws.
The Rohingya ethnic group are considered by groups such as Refugees International to be amongst; “the most persecuted in the world”, with alleged religious and ethnic
persecution widespread in their native northern Arakan state. As a result some 200,000 are believed to have fled to neighbouring Bangladesh whilst others have sought asylum further afield in Malaysia.
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DVB News - Ceremony held for controversial pipeline
Published: 22 August 2011
The China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) has held ceremony in the city of Mandalay last week to celebrate the commencement of welding on the Burmese section of the Shwe gas pipeline as locals continue to complain of land confiscations.
The pipeline will run from Kyaukphyu township in Arakan State on Burma’s west-coast to southern China’s Yunnan province.
A local in Mandalay’s Kyaukpadaung township, through which the pipeline will pass, told DVB that farmlands and toddy plantations owned by local villagers are likely to be destroyed to make way for the pipeline’s construction;
“The pipeline is passing across our farmlands and toddy plantations so we are likely to lose them. Now we have been informed [by the authorities] which areas will be affected by the constructions. They said to call a meeting with farm owners,” said the Kyaukpadaung local.
He said the CNPC are negotiating with farm owners but it is not clear yet whether they would be paid compensations or not.
“The Chinese are here for the construction and they are currently negotiating and yet to specify the [compensation] – apparently they are also looking to build roads.”
The pipeline will carry natural gas from off shore Burmese blocks for nearly 800 km’s in Burma and also take Middle Eastern oil into South West China as the Chinese look to diversify supply routes away from the crowded Malacca straits.
The impact of the pipeline has been questioned along its entire length where activists have claimed that livelihoods are being destroyed with only vague promises of compensation to the affected. With a report by the environmental group Earth Rights International (ERI) earlier alleging; “numerous instances of land confiscation without adequate compensation.”
Whilst the same report also spoke to locals who alleged torture for merely expressing opposition to its construction.
The pipeline puts huge Chinese strategic imperative on Burmese soil as the value of planned oil imports from Saudi Arabia alone will be in the region of US$ 20 million per day.
Such imperatives will be tested by the volatile north of Burma where fighting has been raging between ethnic armed groups, such as the Shan State Army and the Burmese military.
With some suggesting that the recent fighting is a Burmese attempt to pacify these areas specifically for such Chinese infrastructure projects.
It was earlier reported that as a result of the fighting there was a month long break in work on the pipeline, with work resuming at the end of June. Large numbers of pipes were seen being delivered to Burma from China.
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Tuesday, 23 August 2011
BURMA RELATED NEWS - AUGUST 20-22, 2011
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