News & Articles on Burma

Thursday, 20 October, 2011
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ASIA TIMES Oct 21, 2011
The Arab Spring and Myanmar
By David I Steinberg
The Arab Spring, the several successful and still ongoing rebellions against authoritarian governments in the Middle East, have a mutual characteristic beyond that of having occurred in Arabic-speaking societies. All originated from below - from populations that have been frustrated by severe political and social constraints often compounded by clear economic injustices.

Beginning in Tunisia with the self-immolation of a street vendor, the movement spread to a half-dozen societies. Hope for real and positive changes in those countries is apparent both in the region and abroad. The power of such movements is inspiring. Perhaps, some thought, this would affect other authoritarian states outside the region and usher in a new democratic wave. Myanmar and North Korea were prominently mentioned in the media.

A distinguished American who visited Myanmar in the summer of 2011 commented that he thought the Arab Spring would also affect Myanmar. But this view neglected to consider the unique circumstances that make such a revolution from below unlikely there in the near term.

Contrary to many expectations that significant changes could not take place under a new but military-controlled government installed in 2011 in a flawed election and ominously designated by its leadership as a "disciplined-flourishing democracy", important and positive developments are occurring and more are promised.

These positive signs should in no way obscure where essential power rests: the military have built into their new constitution the elements of perpetual, but civilianized, control yet within the context of a somewhat more plural and popularly-responsive society.

Contrary to the Arab Spring, the potential changes in Myanmar are coming from the top. Belatedly, the military-in-mufti leadership seems finally to have understood that to keep essential power, they had to institute some socio-economic liberalization and even some modest degree of political pluralism.

Burma/Myanmar has tried revolts from the bottom - the tragic people's revolution of 1988 that failed against a single-party socialist military-dominated government only to have it replaced by a coup of other military personnel. The incipient 2007 "Saffron" revolution of Buddhist monks, widespread and important demonstrations but not a revolution, was also brutally suppressed when it became overtly political.

The history of modern East Asia demonstrates that the democracies that exist in that region were largely instigated from the bottom. "People Power" in the Philippines in 1986 that overthrew dictator Ferdinand Marcos; the popular, peaceful uprising in South Korea in 1987 that eliminated Chun Doo-hwan's authoritarian rule; demonstrations against the military in Thailand on numerous occasions; and the fall of Suharto in Indonesia in 1998 all started at the bottom of the power structure.

Only in Taiwan did president Chiang Ching-kuo, to preserve his regime, recognize that change was necessary and due, and institute reforms from the top of the political hierarchy.

The potential reforms in Myanmar are as widespread as they were unexpected. From accounts inside that state, the people generally seem to be prepared to await the possibility of political and economic evolution of their past sorry state. Economic reforms are planned. Widespread poverty is admitted officially for the first time in a half-century. Corruption is recognized as a problem.

Human rights are discussed. Minorities are given a bit more say in their affairs. Censorship has been eased, and labor unions are to be allowed. A major, and hated, Chinese dam project was stopped by the president because of public sentiment. Many political prisoners - whose existence has been denied for so long - have been released, and even Myanmar dissidents abroad have been invited back, with a few tentatively starting to return.

These planned changes are fragile, for they cut into the vested interests of many, including high-level military officials and their civilian colleagues, who prefer the old ways. So we cannot but remain concerned for the diverse peoples of Myanmar. Inside that country, the new administration has a short but indeterminate period in which it must deliver on many of these proposed reforms.
The people must feel there is a future for them that is not only though military-controlled channels. That period is not indefinite, however. Even if the reforms are implemented and life begins to improve, the ultimate power will still rest for some indefinite future with the military. It is only when diverse, alternative channels of mobility and access to better living conditions occur that the military may relax its ultimate control and modify its constitutional powers. But other states have demonstrated that life can improve under less than pristine democratic conditions. Perhaps that is a realizable goal for Myanmar in the near future.

Without illusion and hyperbole, therefore, the outside world should encourage such changes. The alternative in Myanmar of the traumas and deaths in a Syria or Yemen-like environment should be avoided. Although they had long planned for a civilianized state, perhaps the Myanmar military understood the lessons from the Middle East: if the leadership refuses to reform, society may force change. It may not be the revolution that some have desired, but it does bring the possibility of positive change in Myanmar.

David I Steinberg is Distinguished Professor of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. His latest book is Burma/Myanmar: What Everyone Needs to Know (Oxford). http://atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/MJ21Ae01.html
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Human rights issues persist in Myanmar: UN
October 20 2011 at 12:26pm
REUTERS

Tomas Ojea Quintana, UN special envoy on human rights in Myanmar, talks to reporters after meeting Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi on August 24, 2011.

United Nations - Serious human rights violations persist in Myanmar despite a mass amnesty for more than 6 300 prisoners including some political opponents, the UN rights envoy to the country said on Wednesday.

"Despite these positive developments, many ongoing and serious human rights issues remain to be addressed," the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Myanmar, Tomas Ojea Quintana, said in a report to the General Assembly.

Quintana said while progress had been made on the human rights front in recent months, he noted that ahead of by-elections expected by year's end, "there should be no prisoners of conscience remaining in detention."

"This is a central and necessary step towards national reconciliation and would greatly benefit Myanmar's efforts towards democracy," the UN envoy said.

Last week, the new military-backed government in Myanmar released thousands of prisoners including Zarganar, a prominent comedian and vocal government critic.

However, most of an estimated 2 000 political prisoners, including key figures involved in a failed 1988 student-led uprising, remain behind bars.

President Thein Sein, a former general and senior junta figure, has surprised critics by signaling a series of political reforms since taking power following a controversial election last November.

Quintana called for the removal of restrictions on the activities of political parties, and said that "respect for the freedoms of expression, assembly and association should be ensured."

"I firmly believe that much more is needed," the envoy said.

He called on Thein Sein's government to address "ongoing tensions in ethnic border areas and conflict with some armed ethnic groups," which he said "continue to engender serious human rights violations."

Those violations include "extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, internal displacement, land confiscations, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labor," he said.

Myanmar's democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi onTuesday pledged to work for the release of the country's remaining political prisoners following the amnesty. - Sapa-AFP
http://www.pretorianews.co.za/human-rights-issues-persist-in-myanmar-un-1.1161273
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Who is the grand-master of civil war in Burma?
By Zin Linn
opednews.com

Burma's current political scenario is more blurred than its external phenomena. Despite the obscurity of its politics, Burma is known that there are rivalries within the current cabinet. While soft-liners stand with President Thein Sein, the hardliners are challenging Thein Sein's new approach, primarily his risk at mutual understanding with Aung San Suu Kyi and the pro-democracy factions.

These hardliners favor continued supporting strong military dominance throughout the country and the purging of any opposition. Burma's armed forces have been fantastically faithful and unified shielding the military dictatorship since 1962. For more than fifty years, there was no threat of split in the ruling chain of military command. But if measures are expected to be getting out of control, there cannot be forget about coup d'A~(c)tat in order to replace direct military ruling.

Thein Sein and his cabinet members have taken a number of steps that seem intended to meet the constant calls of the international community. For example, the president has met with Burma's Nobel laureate and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. Besides, he agreed to stop the controversial Myitsone dam project financed by China, as a sign of respect towards people's desire.

Even though, he cannot make a decision to stop the ongoing civil war with Kachin, Karen and Shan ethnic armed groups. If the president could not manage to end civil war, his dream of good governance and poverty alleviation may be a castle in the wind.

Who is the decision-maker of the war against the Kachin Independence Army (KIA)? Although, President Thein Sein has been speaking about the national unity for many times, the wars with ethnic groups continue. If these wars are not launched by the government, then the person responsible for this war may be the present military boss General Min Aung Hlaing.

Then, another question arises. Does the military boss comply with the defense minister of the new government? The President Thein Sein government used to say that it has been trying to build a peaceful and developed country; on the other hand the momentum of civil war is increasing. So, the words of the government are not in harmony with the acts of the armed forces.

Keeping political dissidents in prison and attacking ethnic armed groups is the policy of the previous junta's boss, Sen. Gen Than Shwe. Hence, it is to be considered that the new military boss is going along with Than Shwe's policy rather than President Thein Sein's guidelines. Then, there is another question: Is Than Shwe still powerful in Burma's politics?

The war in Kachin State seems to be the outcome of the policy divergence between the Burmese government and the Burma Army. It means the military is standing together with the hardliners of the existing cabinet led by the vice president Tin Aung Myin Oo. Moreover, the hardliners are also a pro-China faction. Hardliners have decided to protect the Chinese development projects in Kachin State in addition to their power structure and business profits.

Because of the China factor, some observers think, the soft-liners led by President Thein Sein cannot stop simply the war against KIA and they cannot afford to free all political prisoners in favor of change. People believe that China is pulling the strings in Burma's politics in order to establish its regional strategic power.

Meanwhile, over 2,000 Chinese soldiers have deployed along the Sino-Burma border in its south-western Yunnan province, as civil war escalates in northern Burma between government troops and Kachin resistance forces, Kachin News Group said.

Bum Htoi, a border-based military analyst and former officer of the Chinese-backed Communist Party of Burma (CPB), said more Chinese People's Liberation Army troops have been deployed on the lengthy border with Burma in Kachin State and Shan State since early October.

According to eyewitnesses, Chinese troops are mainly deploying at Jang Hkawng, La Ying, Manghai (former CPB headquarters) and Xiao Zhai. The Kachin Independence Army (KIA) also confirmed Chinese combat troops are currently deploying near KIA strongholds close to the China border, KNG said.

Over 300 Chinese troops are currently stationed at the newly constructed military post in the Chinese town of Manghai, opposite Mongkoe in Burma, according to residents of Mongkoe. Over a hundred Chinese PLA troops have been deployed at Manghai since Burmese troops began a new offensive against the KIA on June 9, Bum Htoi added.

He said, "It is unusual that over 2,000 Chinese troops are deployed near the Burma border. It is aimed at blocking Kachin refugees from crossing into Chinese soil."

According to IDP aid groups, at present Chinese border authorities have been not only preventing Kachin refugees from entering China but also barring the cross-border food and medicine supplies from China to KIA-controlled areas where over 20,000 Kachin internally displaced persons take shelter, KNG reported.

Increasingly, Kachin people in battle-zones are escaping to temporary camps in the KIA controlled areas and Burmese government-controlled areas in Kachin State and Shan State, aid groups in Laiza said.

Fearing abuses from the Burmese army, tens of thousands of Kachin fled their villages, Human Rights Watch said in its October 18 press release. Before arriving at displaced persons camps in KIA controlled areas, several thousand villagers hid from the Burmese army in the jungle, in some cases for a month after the fighting began.

Human Rights Watch documented the killings of three Kachin civilians by Burmese soldiers in June and is investigating credible allegations of other killings. Several people told Human Rights Watch that Burmese army soldiers fired on them as they were fleeing their village.

The Burmese army has unlawfully used Kachin civilians for forced labor, which has long been a serious problem in Burma's ethnic areas, Human Rights Watch said.

While President Thein Sein has been pledging to create a peaceful and organized nation, his military branch has been violating fundamental human rights. All these war crimes violated by Burmese soldiers will re-emerge to haunt the President. If so, the president must try to convince the military commander-in-chief that this war will lead the nation into an abysmal misery.

Hence, the President must call a nationwide ceasefire in order to stop ongoing war crimes. It is a dishonor not only for the President and his government but also for the whole nation that the Burma Army has allowed a variety of criminals in its national armed forces.
http://www.opednews.com/articles/1/Who-is-the-grand-master-of-by-Zin-Linn-111019-363.html
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Two Kachin villagers shot by Burma Army
Created on Thursday, 20 October 2011 13:57
Published on Thursday, 20 October 2011 13:57
Written by KNG

Nam San Yang village on Myitkyina-Manmaw (Bhamo) Road in eastern Kachin State.
Two Kachin villagers were shot Oct. 17 by troops from a government military column at the frontlines in Kachin State, according to villagers.

Lasang Yaw, aged 30 and his elder brother, Lasang Gam, from Lai Lum village, Nam San Yang village-tract, were killed in separate incidents on the same day by the Dawhpumyang-based Light Infantry Battalion No. 438 and Sinbo-based Infantry Battalion No. 141, eyewitnesses said.

Government troops from the two battalions also killed 10 buffaloes and two oxen belonged to the villagers and burned houses, eyewitnesses added. http://kachinnews.com/news/2108-two-kachin-villagers-shot-by-burma-army.html
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And Now the Ethnic Crisis
By SAW YAN NAING Thursday, October 20, 2011

Following moves by Naypyidaw to enact democratic reforms, several leading figures and organizations in the international community have called for Burma to resolve issues concerned with its ethnic minorities, especially in tackling human rights abuses in the ethnic areas, and ending the government's ongoing conflicts with ethnic armies.

On Wednesday, human rights envoy Toma's Ojea Quintana addressed the United Nations General Assembly's third committee in presenting his latest report on Burma.

"A pattern of gross and systematic violations of human rights has existed in Myanmar for many years," Quintana said. "I continue to receive allegations of such violations to date. Measures to ensure justice and accountability, including access to the truth, are essential for Myanmar to face its past and current human rights challenges and to move forward towards national reconciliation."

Quintana said that the ongoing tensions in ethnic border areas and the Burmese army's ongoing conflict with several ethnic militias continue to engender serious human rights violations, including attacks against civilian populations, extra-judicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, internal displacement, land confiscations, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labor and portering.

While welcoming Burmese President Thein Sein's commitment to "keep the door open to peace" and to invite armed groups for peace talks, Quintana called for greater efforts to find a durable political resolution to the complex undertaking of forging a stable multi-ethnic nation.

On Tuesday, international rights group Human Rights Watch released a statement accusing Burmese government troops of committing serious human rights abuses against ethnic Kachin civilians since renewed fighting broke out in the northern state in June.

Currently, more than 30,000 civilians from Kachin State have been displaced and have sought refuge due to an ongoing armed conflict between government troops and the rebel Kachin Independence Army (KIA).

The majority of those displaced are stranded in makeshift camps along the Sino-Burmese border where local aid groups say they face food shortages.

Sources in the area have claimed that hundreds of Chinese soldiers are deployed along the border in order to block Kachin refugees from crossing into China.

Awng Wa, the chairman of the Kachin Development Networking Group, told The Irrawaddy that hostilities---whether minor exchanges of gunfire or major assaults---currently break out almost every day in Kachin State.

He said that on Wednesday night a unit of government troops burned down a village called Namsam Yang, about 10 miles from the KIA's headquarters in Laiza, and shot a villager who was over 60 years of age in his home. The man has been hospitalized at the Sino-Burmese border, he added.

A report issued in early October by the Kachin Women's Association of Thailand also accuses government troops of systemic rape and sexual violence against Kachin women.

The report, titled "Burma's Covered Up War: Atrocities Against the Kachin People," alleges that government troops have raped 37 women and girls, 13 of whom were killed, since the renewal of the conflict in June.

The US's special envoy to Burma, Derek Mitchell, said on Monday that the reports of human rights abuses in Burma were "credible," and noted that many of the incidents were against minority women and children.

According to those NGOs involved in distributing humanitarian aid to displaced persons in Burma and to refugees, at least 500,000 ethnic Karen, Karenni and Shan people are displaced in the jungle, having abandoned their homes due to attacks launched by government troops.

Some 145,000 persons, mostly Karen villagers, are currently sheltering as refugees at camps along the Thai-Burmese border.

Ethnic leaders have joined in the calls for Naypyidaw to persuade its military officials to withdraw all their troops from ethnic areas and hold negotiations with representatives of all the groups.

In his statement, Derek Mitchell said that the Burmese government has not made comparable progress in its relations with ethnic minorities in the north and east of Burma as it has with the democratic opposition.

Meanwhile, US Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell, a US diplomat who has been involved in Burma issues for several years, said on Thursday in an interview with The Nation news group in Bangkok: "The thing we are looking for is progress with the National League for Democracy and Aung San Suu Kyi, and domestic diplomacy with ethnic minority groups, many of whom are subject to terrible violence and abuse." http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22297
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Burmese Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo Visits China
By WAI MOE Thursday, October 20, 2011

Burma's First Vice President Tin Aung Myint Oo arrived in China on Thursday to attend the 8th China-Asean Expo in Nanning, in the highest-level visit to China by a senior Burmese official since the suspension of the Chinese-backed Myitsone dam project on Sept 30.

Tin Aung Myint Oo is scheduled to meet Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao on the sidelines of the expo, which will bring together leaders from China and the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) from Oct 21-26.

The event is also being attended by other senior Burmese government officials, businessmen from the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry and manufacturers from industrial zones, according to China's state-run Xinhua news agency.

Of the high-ranking former generals who now rule Burma, Tin Aung Myint Oo is often seen as being the closest to Chinese leaders and investors.

Ahead of his trip to China, Burmese state-run newspapers ran a series of articles explaining the decision to suspend the Myitsone dam and hailing the comprehensive strategic relationship that has developed from longstanding "paukphaw" (fraternal) ties between the two countries.

The articles criticized the international and Chinese media for creating "misunderstanding" over the issue, but stressed that the strong bonds forged between Burma and China in recent years would not be affected by the Myitsone dam issue.

"It is definitely impossible that Myitsone issue can deteriorate the friendship of two neighbors," the state-run New Light of Myanmar said on Wednesday.

Despite such protestations, however, it is clear that Burma is concerned that President Thein Sein's decision to put a hold on the dam project amid growing popular opposition could strain relations with Beijing.

On Oct 10, Thein Sein sent his foreign minister, Wunna Maung Lwin, to Beijing as his special representative to meet with Chinese Vice President Xi Jinping---expected to succeed Hu Jintao as China supreme leader---and Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi.

Following the meeting, Xinhua reported that China and Burma had agreed to properly settle the suspension of the Myitsone hydropower project.

China is Burma's key business partner, investing US $15.5 billion in the Southeast Asian country last year, while bilateral trade between the two countries was worth $4.4 billion in 2010, up 53.2 percent from the year before.

China has also become Burma's key weapons supplier since 1988, supplying $1-2 billion worth of arms, including jet fighters, naval patrol boats, tanks, armed personnel carriers, light arms, anti-aircraft guns and missiles, ammunition and military transport equipment, according to the South Asia Analysis Group, an India-based think tank.

The group said that since the 1990s, China has assisted in the modernization of Burma's naval facilities at Hainggyi Island, Great Coco Islands, Sittwe, Kyaukpyu and Mergui, all in the Bay of Bengal. http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22296
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INTERVIEW
A New Desire to Engage
Thursday, October 20, 2011
During his recent visit to Thailand, US Assistant Secretary of State Kurt Campbell spoke to the editor-in-chief of The Nation, Suthichai Yoon. They discussed a wide range of issues including US policy in Asia and reform in Burma, a country that Campbell has a special interest in.

The following is an excerpt from an interview that originally appeared on the website of The Nation.

Question: There is some positive news from your envoy on Burma. Perhaps you can confirm rumors and speculation. Why aren't you in Burma on this visit?

Answer: Well, Burma was looking for consultation with its Chinese friends in Beijing [on October 11]. We had a very good meeting with Burma's foreign minister in New York and subsequently in Washington.

Q: Was that the first time for the Burmese foreign minister to be in the State Department building? What was significant?

A: We've indicated that there is clearly a change of effort inside the country. We've been pleased by the outreach from the new president to Aung San Suu Kyi. She herself has expressed satisfaction with the dialogue she's had. We see some stepsthe decision on the [Myitsone] dam, some diplomacies domestically, some assurances on how they propose to interact with North Korea. These are important steps.

What we are looking for are irreversible signs that they are heading constructively in the right direction. I think we are encouraged in the initial phase but it's still too early to make fundamental judgments, and we are looking for them to do more, particularly when it comes to the release of political prisoners. But it is undeniable that there are changes happening inside the country. It is incumbent on us to explore and to be very clear that we will match their changes, if they can be sustained, with legitimate steps of our own.

Q: The Burmese foreign minister might have told you what conditions they need before they can release political prisoners. You must know the timeframe and the conditions they think they need before they can do that. Are you ready to meet their requirement?

A: I don't want to portray the nature of diplomacy of this kind, but we had a different kind of discussion. We laid out clearly our hopes and expectations, and I think those were heard clearly and constructively, and we talked about the prospects for going forward. I think there is clear understanding in Naypyidaw of what is necessary.

There may be disagreements about those who are classified as political prisoners. We welcome a comprehensive conversation with them about how people are categorised, who we think are political prisoners.

But the dialogue I've had with them [government officials] over the course of the last couple of months has no resemblance to the dialogue we had two years ago when we first started. It's fundamentally different. I would say it is the outset of what we try to institutionalisea different approach to diplomacy, which is among the most difficult I've ever engaged in. I've had dialogue with the North Koreans. I've had difficult discussions with various militaries around Asia, but nothing as difficult and unproductive as some of the discussions with Naypyidaw.

But that has changed fundamentally. There is a new desire to engage. I hope very much that they are sincere and they are able to take our relationship to a new stage, but I have to underscore that we have seen steps like these in the past only to be disappointed by dramatic reversal.

Q: What would come first, the release of political prisoners or the lifting of sanctions?

A: I would suggest there isn't that sort of linkage. Any process of easing of our sanctions will take a substantial period of time. This involves not just the executive branch, but a substantial effort by the legislative branch of the US. It takes substantial consultation and very clear signs of progress. We do not know the process yet.

I think the government will need to demonstrate a very clear determination to move forward. I think an appropriate next step will be the release of political prisoners.

Q: That will be the most important condition?

A: I think it is laid out clearly: the thing we are looking for is progress with the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi, and domestic diplomacy with ethnic minority groups, many of whom are subject to terrible violence and abuse.

We would like to see a clear determination to avoid interaction with North Korea that is inconsistent or in violation of the UN Security Council Resolution. Obviously, the release of political prisoners and also steps to address people's needs in terms of health care, food and clothing.

There are issues we would like to see progress on, and we have seen some hints, and we hope they will build up in time.

Q: Will you talk to China about Burma too? Are there some signs of change in China's attitude over Burma issues.

A: I think China wants to avoid circumstances where Burma is isolated. I think the isolation is not a strategic interest. At the same time, I think they're worried about conflict inside the country and its potential to spill over into Thailand or even into China, which clearly is not in their interest.

We have encouraged them to be helpful and we think that they have had communication with the new government. Clearly there is an overlap in our mutual interests. We have deep discussions with all of our Asean partnersThailand, Singapore, Indonesia all have key relationships of a different kind, but key relationships, with Burma. Obviously India and the countries in Northeast Asia and Europe also have a critical role to play in the developments on the ground in the
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=22293
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UN envoy wary of reform talk
By AFP
Published: 20 October 2011

Serious human rights violations persist in Burma despite a mass amnesty for more than 6,300 prisoners including some political opponents, the UN rights envoy to the country said Wednesday.

"Despite these positive developments, many ongoing and serious human rights issues remain to be addressed," the UN special rapporteur on human rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, said in a report to the General Assembly.

Quintana said while progress had been made on the human rights front in recent months, he noted that ahead of by-elections expected by year's end, "there should be no prisoners of conscience remaining in detention."

"This is a central and necessary step towards national reconciliation and would greatly benefit Myanmar's [Burma] efforts towards democracy," the UN envoy said.

Last week, the new military-backed government in Burma released thousands of prisoners including Zarganar, a prominent comedian and vocal government critic.

However, most of an estimated 2,000 political prisoners, including key figures involved in a failed 1988 student-led uprising, remain behind bars.

President Thein Sein, a former general and senior junta figure, has surprised critics by signalling a series of political reforms since taking power following a controversial election last November.

Quintana called for the removal of restrictions on the activities of political parties, and said that "respect for the freedoms of expression, assembly and association should be ensured."

"I firmly believe that much more is needed," the envoy said.

He called on Thein Sein's government to address "ongoing tensions in ethnic border areas and conflict with some armed ethnic groups," which he said "continue to engender serious human rights violations."

Those violations include "extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, arbitrary arrest and detention, internal displacement, land confiscations, the recruitment of child soldiers, as well as forced labour," he said.

Burma's democracy champion Aung San Suu Kyi Tuesday pledged to work for the release of the country's remaining political prisoners following the amnesty. http://www.dvb.no/news/un-envoy-not-fooled-by-talk-of-reform/18292
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Burma to drop ban on satellite TV
By SHWE AUNG
Published: 20 October 2011

Licences for satellite television receivers are likely to be issued again in Burma following a six-year ban claimed at the time by observers to be an attempt to control the flow of information into the country.

The notification came from communications minister Thein Htun after a question about the possibility of reintroducing satellite permits was raised in parliament. The minister said the process would take time, although state media appeared optimistic that it would be successful.

Phone Myint Aung, an MP for the opposition National Democratic Force, quoted the minister as saying that that the law regarding the licences has already been drafted.

The move is part of a reshaping of the communications law, and follows introductions or amendments to a number of laws that signal the government is loosening its vice-like grip on Burmese society.

Most satellite users in the former capital Rangoon are without permits. Locals there welcomed the news as a sign that the media environment is further opening up, following the relaxing of an internet ban on certain news website, including DVB.

The ban in 2005 was not the first such restriction by the government -- in 1993 it enacted a ban that wasn't lifted until 2001, and during those eight years only around 2,000 satellite dishes were legally in use, mostly by hotels and businesses.

Despite the periods of prohibition on satellite licences, exiled media such as DVB has still managed to broadcast into the country. Government ministers are believed to garner much of their information from these independent sources, and thus have been reluctant to block the service. http://www.dvb.no/news/burma-to-drop-ban-on-satellite-tv/18297
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Arrests highlight Burma-China gun trade
By FRANCIS WADE
Published: 20 October 2011

Chinese police have busted an unidentified ring of gun smugglers they claim have been running weapons into Tibet and the southwestern region from northern Burma for at least two years, sparking a renewal of fears about security along the shared border that Beijing has long eyed with concern.

The state-run People's Daily in China said yesterday that 17 people had so far been arrested in a crackdown that began nine months ago. Their nationalities have not been disclosed, nor the precise destination of the weaponry, only that guns were sold "to several predominantly Tibetan regions". Two men linked to the racket were arrested in March this year inYunnan province, which borders northern Burma, and the remaining in Lhasa.

"Yunnan police said that, in recent years, people vying for big money have started trafficking firearms, taking advantage of loose gun control laws amid arm conflicts in northern Myanmar [Burma]," the paper said.

Little is known about the origins of the ring, which appears to have capitalised on the porous 1370 mile frontier between China and Burma and along which myriad armed conflicts have generated a surplus of weaponry.

Aung Kyaw Zaw, an analyst based on the China-Burma border, said the trade was "nothing new", and claimed the guns may have originated from any of the various ethnic armies and militias operating in northern Burma. He cited the August 2009 fighting in which Burmese forces overran a Kokang rebel group in the north as helping to fuel the trade over the past two years, given the excess of arms that the retreating Kokang left in their wake.

Moreover, armed groups such as the Wa are known to produce their own weaponry, in addition to an historical supply line from China, and have vast stores of guns and heavy artillery. The somewhat lawless nature ofBurma's northern border regions, much of which are controlled by anti-Naypyidaw groups, means that monitoring of illegal cross-border trade is either difficult, or done with the acquiescence of border officials.

Beijinghas warned Burma on several occasions that stability along its side of the shared border is of paramount importance, particularly given extensive Chinese business interests in the Kachin and Shan states. The Burmese military has ramped up a campaign to secure these areas, sparking heavy fighting with rebel groups that, in Kachin state at least, is reaching an intensity not seen since a raft of ceasefires were signed in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

Reports from local Kachin media claim that China has sent up to 2,000 troops to its border with Burma. Speaking with DVB today, La Nan, the spokesperson of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), which is battling Burmese forces along the frontier, said the deployment may be aimed a stemming a possible overspill of fighting into China. One Chinese battalion has been placed in the town of Jang Khawng, over the border from the KIA stronghold of Maijayang.

China has also noted with concern an attack last week on two cargo vessels travelling along a stretch of the Mekong River between Burma and Laos, which is officially controlled by Thailand but where Burmese militia groups are known to operate. Allegations that the attack, which left 12 Chinese nationals dead, was the work of the Wa has been categorically denied by the group, which released a statement earlier this week. http://www.dvb.no/news/arrests-highlight-burma-china-gun-trade/18302
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Chief Minister: Poverty Rate in Chin State to Reduce by Half

20 October 2011: U Hung Ngai, Chief Minister of Chin State, has claimed that work is now underway to halve poverty rate in Burma's poorest state, according to the official New Light of Myanmar yesterday.

Ex-Brig Gen Hung Ngai said in his report to the second programmes of the work coordination meeting for Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation in Naypyidaw, more schools, private banks and 337 libraries will be opened across Chin State, with ongoing follow-up tasks for rural development.

Meanwhile, during the second regular session of first Amyotha Hluttaw on Tuesday, Chin MPs raised questions about the basic needs of getting 'safe and sufficient' drinking water in their constituencies.

More than 70 percent of people in Chin State are under poverty line, with 68 percent having no access to health care, according to a report in June this year by the UNDP, which ranked the northwestern state as the poorest among Burma's 14 states and divisions.

Earlier this year, the UNOCHA (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs) said the increase in urban population, and the depletion of water sources as well as aging water supply systems in rural Chin areas are affecting water availability.

The Chief Minister also stressed the ongoing cooperation with NGOs and INGOs in agricultural sectors and plans to increase the use of energy to improve the living conditions of Chin people, some of whom are still recovering from the bamboo-and-rat-caused food crisis.

But a local rights group said that tackling poverty in Chin State needs a parallel effort to address the basic human rights of Chin people, as rights violations exacerbate or are the root of poverty.

"Forced labor, extortion and arbitrary taxation by Burmese army and local authorities are contributing to, and exacerbating poverty in Chin State. These kinds of violations have substantial negative impacts on the people in a State where more than 70 percent of the population are living in abject poverty," says Salai Bawi Lian Mang, Executive Director of CHRO (Chin Human Rights Organization), which monitors rights situations in Chin State. http://www.chinlandguardian.com/news-2009/1601-chief-minister-poverty-rate-in-chin-state-to-reduce-by-half.html